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World Wars American History Mr. Sontheimer
Throughout the 20th century the world has been torn apart by wars. Unlike previous conflicts these “modern” wars involved more nations, took advantage of the technological improvements related to the Industrial Revolution, and engulfed the entire populations of the combatant nations. We are going to examine both the First and Second World Wars at the same time to find the common themes and differences that characterized each conflict.
Helpful Timeline with Links….Copy into your Wikispace
1914
June 28th - Assassination of Arch-Duke Ferdinand
August 1st- Germany Declares War on Russia
October 29th – Trench Warfare becomes dominant on Western Front
1915
May 7th- Lusitania is sunk by German Submarine (U-Boat)
1916
September 15th- British introduce the tank to the battlefield
1917
January 16th Zimmerman Note
February 1st- Germans begin unrestricted submarine warfare
April 6th- United States declares war on Germany
December 5th- Communist Russia reaches separate peace with Germany
General “Black” Jack Pershing leads the first of 1.8 Million American Soldiers
1918
October 4th- Germany asks for Armistice (cease fire)
November 11th- Armistice is signed bring an end to the fighting World Wide Influenza epidemic
1919
June 28th- Treaty of Versailles is signed with the League of Nations
1921 Extreme inflation hits German economy as they pay reparations
1922 Mussolini and his followers march on Rome
1923 Hitler launches a failed coup in Bavaria writes
Mein Kampf
1929
Stock Market Collapse in United States marking the beginning of Depression
1933
Hitler becomes chancellor of Germany
March 12th First Concentration Camp Opened
1934
June 30th Night of the Long Knives
1937
December 13th Rape of Nanking
1939
March 15th Nazis take Czechoslovakia through appeasement
September 1st Invasion of Poland using the Blitzkrieg
1940
June 22nd France force to sign armistice with Germany
September Beginning of the Blitz
1941
June 22nd Germany attacks Soviet Union a strategic mistake
December 7th Japanese attack Pearl Harbor drawing the United States into war
1942
September 13th Battle of Stalingrad a key turning point of the War
June 4th Battle of Midway another key turning point of the War
1943 Battle of the Atlantic Climaxes with many sinkings
1944
June 6th Normandy Landings Americans in France
August 25th Paris Liberated
December 16-27 Battle of the Bulge Last German offensive of the War
1945
Feb 13th Dresden Firebombed Many civilians are targeted by allies .
April 28th Mussolini Hanged
April 30th Hilter commits suicide
May 7th German’s Surrender
August 6th First Atomic bomb used on Hiroshima
September 2 Japanese Surrender
October 4th United Nations formed
World War I Alliances Triple Entente
France
Russia
England
USA
World War II Alliances Axis Powers
Germany
Japan
Italy
Allied Powers
Great Britain
United States
Soviet Union
France*
Your Project!
In each of the following categories you will research and explain ONE critical point from each category. You must support and illustrate your answer with FOUR PICTURES and ONE OTHER PRIMARY SOURCE. Your answer and evidence must connect and cover the First and Second World Wars. You may submit an answer in one of the following formats.
1.) Microsoft Word Document with Answers, Pictures, and Primary sources on one page.
2.) Wikispaces page(s) on your account with Answers, Pictures, and Primary sources arranged in a way that completes the assignment. Please place a link to your page on the class wikispace so I can go visit yours!
Why these Wars Matter!
T echnology -Both conflicts featured many new inventions and weapons that were developed and improved throughout the first half of the twentieth century. These inventions included tanks, aircraft, submarines, better communications devices, radar, sonar, and many more . The introduction many of the inventions prompted improvements and innovations that continue through today. Critical Points - ||
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· New technologies changed how war was waged Old techniques of fighting were decidedly ineffective against new tools. (chart the changes that armies made in how they fight ie. trenches vs. movement) · Developments in weapons extended their range and effectiveness. (examine the improvements made to a weapon of your choice through both wars ie. The tank) · Destructive capability increased so much that weapons became almost unusable because of their power.(Look at some of the most ghastly moments in both wars and make comparisons about the weapons that brought them about ie. Somme vs. Dresden
The stories of a number of survivors of the December 7, 1 94 1 bombing of Hickam Air Force Base. “It was in terest in g. For ten days just before the attack, the base was on full alert. It seemed as though they were expect in g someth in g to happen. No one was allowed to leave the base dur in g this alert. The Saturday before the bombing attack, the alert was lifted. Saturday night a wealthy Japanese banker held a big party for the of ficers at the of ficer’s club. As I look back on it, it seems as if it were all planned in advance.” Jessie Reed Seyle Wife of Lt. Stanley Jenn in gs Reed
“We had been on Alert for two weeks but that was called of f on December 6, 1 94 1 . That night be in g a Saturday we went up to Wheeler Field to visit some friends of ours in the 1 9th Fighter Squadron, who had also been on Alert. We had long talked about the reason for the Alert and were agreed that if we went to war it would be with the Russians. We returned home late that night and at about five to eight AM we heard a loud explosion com in g from Pearl Harbor way. I got up and looked out the shades and saw that one of the large oil storage tanks at Pearl was puff in g out a lot of black smoke. I told my wife it looked like it might have leaked and exploded. Just then a plane came over shoot in g its guns and so low I could see it was a Zero with the Ris in g Sun on it. I said to my wife. “get up we are at war ”. I could then hear a number of bullets bounc in g of f our tile ro of . By then we could hear and see the havoc tak in g place at Pearl which was only about 5,600 yards away. Dur in g this time our friend at Wheeler Field called to say they were be in g attacked and that she had been shot at while go in g to a friends to use the phone”. Wallace S. Mart in Jr. Pilot with the 1 9th Transport Squadron Liv in g at the corner of 5th and Beard at Hickam Field
“Once out of the hall, I became a war e of the boom in g noise com in g from the direction of Pearl Harbor. I attached no special significance to the noise, s in ce there was frequent gunnery and bombing practice in the area. I paused momentarily to watch aircraft that were circl in g over Pearl Harbor. As I watched, one aircraft banked sharply to the right reveal in g a red disk on the underside of the w in g. At that moment the awful truth dawned on me; Pearl Harbor was be in g attacked by Japanese aircraft! It soon became evident that Pearl Harbor was not to be the only target.” Carlos F. McCuiston 1 9th Transport Squadron
“ It was early in the morn in g, when three of us, who had breakfast, were sitt in g around on one of the fellows bed, talk in g about th in gs in general. We heard an airplane fly over very low mak in g a loud eng in e noise. One of the fellows said “ It looks like the Navy is practic in g dive bombing aga in ”. In less than a m in ute later, we heard the same airplane sound then an explosion. S in ce the explosion was unusual, we all walked outside to see what was go in g on. We passed through the doors of W in g E and were stand in g on the stair land in g, look in g to war d W in g F. A bomb hit Hangar #7, and exploded. The concussion of the blast blew the three of us of f the land in g and in to a prickly cactus plant. As we got up, one of the fellows said “ What the Hell is go in g on?” Immediately we heard the squadron First Sergeant yell in g, “ Everybody out, the Dam Japs are bombing us.” We ran onto the street and short distant away was the Parade Grounds where everyone thought they would not bomb us there. As I was half way across the Parade Grounds, a Japanese plane flew over very low with the pilot and rear gunner quite visible. The Ris in g Sun In signia was very pla in ly visible on the side of the airplane . The Parade Ground began to fill up with men com in g out of the barracks, some of them only had their underwear on. Immediately a Japanese plane came down and started to strafe the Parade Grounds. Men were fall in g and runn in g in all directions with me head in g for the new wooden barracks across the way. I stayed there for a short time watch in g some men shoot in g at the Japanese planes with 45 caliber pistols. I left the area to return to the large barracks as I worked in the Supply Room. On my way back, I walked to war d the Hangar L in e want in g to see the airplane s that were burn in g. I stopped and turned back to my orig in al dest in ation. At the same time, a flight of high level bombers came over and bombed us aga in . I ran to war d the large barracks th in k in g they may be safer. I was later told that I had just left. Some men were killed because of the spl in ters that flew around when the bombs exploded. From then on, it was known as Spl in ter City. I returned to the large barracks and reported to the supply room. The supply sergeant told me to get busy and start pass in g out rifles and ammunition to the men from our squadron. While in the supply room, another wave of bombers came over and a bomb exploded between W in g E and F, shak in g the build in g. With in a m in ute, a person came runn in g in say in g “ I need some help, the Lieutenant has been hit”. I went with him to the Mess Hall and we picked up Lt. Malcolm J. Brummwell ( Lt. Crittenden), our Squadron Adjutant. We carried him to the supply room and laid him on the counter. He was bleed in g across the chest and moaned from the pa in . At this time, there were about five people in the supply room and one called the hospital for an ambulance. In a short time it came to the front of the build in g and we were told to br in g the Lieutenant out. We slid him of f the counter and he fell to war d me. Another fellow and I carried the in jured Lieutenant to the ambulance and laid him on a stretcher. The driver and another fellow slid him in and they turned to war d me. The driver, th in k in g I was wounded also because of all the blood on my shirt, said “Take it easy now and get in to the ambulance”. I said there is noth in g wrong with me. He replied, “ I know, I know” and began to force me in side where the Lieutenant was ly in g. I went in to the vehicle, crawled over the driver’s seat and went out through the door. As I walked away from the ambulance, the driver, th in k in g I was in shock, began chas in g me yell in g for me to come back. He soon gave up, return in g to the ambulance and drove the in jured man to the hospital. We later learned that he died from the in juries he received in the chest. As I returned to the supply room, an in jured soldier was sitt in g with his back aga in st the wall near the stairs. He said, “Please help me”. His abdomen was bleed in g badly and his trousers were soaked with blood. I looked at him and said “I’ll get you some water”. As I ran in to the build in g, to war d the water founta in , I noticed I had noth in g to put the water in . Runn in g in to the supply room, I asked for a mess cup or anyth in g to get the in jured man some water. Pick in g up a cup, I filled it with water and ran out only to see the man be in g taken away on a stretcher. The ro of of the barracks was burn in g, there was smoke everywhere and the smell of burnt power in the air. The airplane s on the hangar l in e were burn in g, there was debris and dirt from the bombs scattered everywhere. I turned and saw a man from our squadron named Bernard Mulcahy. He looked at me and said, “Bernie, I can’t believe what is happen in g”. He replied, It’s happen in g, you know Bill, we lived more in the past two hours than we did in our last n in eteen years. We both walked back in to the build in g which was gett in g thick with smoke from the build in g ro of . I had a 45 caliber pistol in the supply room and picked it up along with a belt and three clips of ammunition. There was talk around about another raid and an in vasion. We walked in to the mess hall and it was a shambles. Someone mentioned that we would have to move in to the mounta in s and fight of f the Japanese. In vasion talk was everywhere, our Squadron was scattered all around. It was obvious we could not use the barracks because of the smoke and burn in g odor. As we walked away from the mess hall, I noticed someone brought out a five gallon pail of Marasch in o Cherries in syrup, and several five pound packages of American Cheese. Th in k in g we would have to go to the mounta in s to fight, we both took a piece of the cheese and I placed two handfuls of the syrupy cherries in my pocket. I picked up my steel helmet and began walk in g away from the barracks. Everyone was walk in g around try in g to f in d people from their outfit. In the entire afternoon, I do not recall meet in g anyone from our squadron. As it began to get dark, I ran in to a cook stand in g outside a wooden build in g. He said I should stay around until the next day. There was a cot in the build in g and I would have someth in g to eat. I did, and while ly in g on the cot, I had the 45 pistol near my head ready for any Japanese that came by. The follow in g day I found a few of our men and they told me we were regroup in g in the school house near the water tower. As I went there, I met more people from our squadron, picked up a rifle and was assigned to guard duty at the Post Exchange where all the w in dows were blown out by the bombs. We rema in ed in the schoolhouse build in g for several days until a new ro of was be in g placed on the large barracks. After a short time, we were allowed to return to our orig in al quarters in W in g E but could only use the first and second floors. The third floor rema in ed unoccupied.” William Melnyk U.S. Army Air Corp Headquarters Squadron, 1 7th Air Base Group Hickam Field, Hawaii
“The first planes I saw were skimm in g at ro of top level over our barracks. We could clearly see the ris in g sun on their w in gs. The pilots and gunners could be seen look in g around. I couldn’t believe that we were be in g assaulted so far from Japan! An Air Force, middle-aged Sergeant came runn in g to war d us shout in g for us to take cover and holler in g out that he was in World War I and knew what he was talk in g about. He cried out, “We’re at War ! We’re at War !” The men began to disperse. I made a run for the supply room about 1 0 yards beh in d the barracks. Sgt. Owen, the Supply Sergeant, slept in side and he was ready to issue equipment, dressed in his underwear. I was first in l in e to check-out one of the dozen or so Spr in gfield rifles. Owen passed me a rifle, steel helmet, and a bandolier of 30 caliber ammunition. John Strickland and Sanford Garrett were also wait in g for a weapon. Both of these men had previous in fantry service in Panama. As I started to rush out in to the melee, Owen called me back and ordered that I read of f the serial number of the rifle before gett in g out. I felt in secure in side the wooden build in g, not be in g able to see the planes com in g to take evasive action. We had been tra inin g to obey orders so we had no choice but to give serial numbers while expect in g to be blown to bits any m in ute. Strickland and Garrett were right along the side of me as we ran outside, where I made an alarm in g discovery – I did not know how to load the rifle! As an electrician, I had been tra in ed to use a 45 pistol. I had the bolt back try in g to load without success. I shouted to Garrett and Strickland to help me. By now mach in e gun bullets were slamm in g in to the area; jagged bomb shrapnel was fall in g all around us. As I put my helmet on, Strickland held my rifle while Garrett showed me how to force the clip of bullets in to the magaz in e. Two years in the Army and I couldn’t load a Spr in gfield! Although I was reared with rifles and shotguns and fancied myself a crack shot, I simply didn’t know how to get the rounds in the magaz in e. I’m sure my lesson on the Spr in gfield was the quickest in military history. Targets were everywhere by now. I leveled at a bank in g “Jap” plane, lead in g him like I had done quail many times in the field at home. The rifle jumped as the high-powered shell exploded and went after the “Jap” plane. I quickly got of f the first clip of five rounds. By now Strickland and Garrett had loaded and three of us kept up steady fir in g on the planes. How much good we did will never be known, but we had the satisfaction of “fight in g back”. “I saw the planes straf in g and bombing the base. I saw them straf in g people who were on the roads. The planes would swoop down so low we could see the pilot’s goggles.”
William F. Rudder Sr.
“ I observed several people set up a mach in e gun at one end of the Parade Ground. With in a matter of m in utes they were knocked out of action. Another group attempted to get the gun in action and aga in they were knocked out. The effort of a few brave men to defend the base was doomed from the beg in n in g as Japanese aircraft were circl in g overhead at such altitude as would enable the pilots to observe anyth in g go in g on, on base. This, of course, was why the people were unable to get the gun in action.” Carlos F. McCuiston 1 9th Transport Squadron 1 st Sgt.
“S in ce the planes seemed to be approach in g the end of the hanger l in e, I decided to cross the runway to war d the trees border in g the field. I had just crossed the runway and started across a taxi strip which had B- 1 8’s l in ed up w in g tip to w in g tip, when a Japanese fighter plane started straf in g the planes. I stood and watched as B- 1 8 after B- 1 8 caught fire from be in g hit. I saw someone in a B- 1 8 mov in g the nose turret and fir in g at the fighter plane. As the fighter approached, a burst from it’s guns hit the B- 1 8 turret and it exploded. The fighter kept fir in g and swung slightly to war d me with the bullets hitt in g the ramp and com in g straight to war d where I was ly in g under the w in g of a B- 1 8. Just before they got to me the plane stopped fir in g, pulled up, made 1 80 degree turn, dove down and started straf in g the B- 1 8’s l in ed up on an in tersection taxi strip. I crossed the taxi strip and in to the trees of f the edge of the field and stayed there until the raid had ended. I suddenly realized that I had not had any breakfast and was hungry, so I proceeded to the Of ficers Club where someone was pass in g out sandwiches.” Lee E. Metcalfe
“Lean in g on my right elbow, I cont in ued to watch a formation of planes high overhead; then I heard the second explosion. Their flight path would take them over the Big Barracks and over the 1 9th area. I buried my face in the dirt as the third explosion sounded. I wasn’t count in g after that. I was just a war e that each successive explosion was nearer to me than the preced in g one. Then a deafen in g blast seemed to lift me of f the ground. That was the last one ! Later I would step of f seventeen paces from where that last bomb hit, in the middle of the street, to where I was ly in g.” Carlos F. McCuiston 1 9th Transport Squadron 1 st Sgt.
We rushed out to war d the Post Exchange restaurant in time to see it blasted. Concrete and fragments were fly in g all around us. A bomb fragment about 1 2 in ches long landed at my feet. It was still smok in g from the heat of the explod in g bomb. To our right, the post theater (a big wooden structure) went up in a cloud of spl in ters and flames, we had to back up to escape the terrific heat the trade w in ds pushed in our faces. I could see cars rush in g of f the field carry in g the dependents of military personnel. It was comfort in g to see women and children be in g evacuated. William F. Rudder, Sr.
“By now, perhaps 30 to 45 m in utes in to the attack, Hickam Field seemed to be ablaze. Most of the smoke and flames appeared to be com in g from the flight l in e. Pearl Harbor was a mass of smoke and flames”. Carlos F. McCuiston 1 9th Transport Squadron 1 st Sgt.
“ After the last explosion, I jumped up and turned to run, hop in g to f in d better shelter before the next bombs fell. As it turned out, that was the last of the bombing . As I turned. I saw two airmen ly in g face down just a few feet from me. One had both legs severed at the buttocks. His blood had soaked the ground where he lay. The second had a massive head wound. Some object had passed through his head from the left temple area to just above the right ear. His bra in s were ly in g on the ground. Both were dead.” Carlos F. McCuiston 1 st Sgt. 1 9th Transport Squadron
"The men, watch in g from the doorway, applauded us shout in g, You got him, you got him!” I hoped we did. However, others fired on him as he unloaded over the big barracks and the parade ground. The planE crashed on Fort Kam. About noon I went over to see it. I climbed up on the w in g, blood was smeared down the w in g where the pilot was pulled out. I noticed his radio had “Philco” tubes! William F. Rudder, Sr.
"I went on duty at 7:00, maybe a little later, with Irene Boyd. We had six nurses at Hickam; Ann fox was our Chief Nurse, Sally Entrik in , W in nie Mallett, Kathleen Coberly, and Monica. That’s it. Anyway two were of f duty and two were on, and we were work in g A.M. and P.M. dur in g those days. We had just opened our hospital on November 1 5th. So, we didn’t have mattresses on all of the beds and were just gett in g equipped. We had a few patients with cellulitis, and one with pneumonia. "I reported on with Irene and then, in a little while, we heard this plane. It was los in g altitude, and Sgt. Patton was at the desk, the nurse’s desk, ask in g me for an aspir in or someth in g. We both just stopped suddenly and stared at each other, and we said we thought a plane crashed. Then bang! "We ran out on the porch overlook in g the matte, as we called it. It was the parade ground, and the flag was here near the runway. About that time, all hell broke loose. I ran to Irene, and I said, “Oh! Irene,” and she said, What are you all excited about.” About that time, I saw the ris in g sun on these planes that were fly in g low, and I said, “My God, Irene. It’s the Japs.” She said. “Oh, Monica, we’re hav in g maneuvers. You know the fleet is in , and you saw them last night.” But, in the meantime, the realization did set in , and I ran down to see Major Lane who was our C.O at the time. He was on the telephone, and I said, “ Oh, Major Lane. Is it the real McCoy?” He just nodded his head in the affirmative and then I started to get the patients down. "Oh, these were the patients who were com in g in with limbs of f, practically dead from hav in g hemorrhaged. There were just all k in ds of wounds and blood and dust from the build in g that exploded on them. Some had mach in e gun and bomb fragment wounds. They were just butchered. We were try in g to relieve their pa in and their shock. We just went around giv in g that morph in e in those 1 0 c.c. syr in ges, fill in g them up from the flask, just go in g from one to the other. We did try to tag them. Then they would just load them in trucks and ambulances and of f they would go. They were in terrible condition and may have died. Some were brought in dead, and we put them out at the rear of the hospital and covered them up.
“ We heard this plane. It was los in g altitude, and …we both just stopped suddenly and stared at each other … there was a bang! I saw the ris in g sun on the planes. The bombs were gett in g closer and closer .. one 500lb bomb fell on the hospital lawn, …. The whole hospital shook! In a split second someone yelled. “ Down everybody!” and we fell wherever we were, crouch in g, wait in g for the next m in ute – the next bomb to kill us all!” 2Lt. Monica Conter, Army Nurse Corps
“Talked to Lt. Monica Conter (nurse here at Hickam). She, nor any of them, had had any rest for over 30 hours. They laid victims on the porch floor for first aid. Many died, even while she was extract in g the hypo needle! The blood actually ran on the floor. She showed me where it came up over the soles on her shoes. Marie (nurse at Tripler) said many came in hold in g his arm or leg! – completely severed, but hat in g to leave it! Others came with an arm or leg of f; both legs and an arm; and some with all limbs gone! All these fellows were still conscious, and cuss in g the Japs!!” Lt. Philip C. Sprawls
“ In side the hospital, doctors, staff, and volunteers were overwhelmed by the ferocity of the attack and the number of wounded flood in g the facility. "There were only six of us nurses, and we couldn’t possibly beg in to take care of all the wounded and dy in g men. The decision was made to treat patients with first-aid-type care and send them to Tripler General Hospital in ambulances. Soon there weren’t enough ambulances so the local people drove patients in their cars”. 2Lt. Sara Entrik in , Army Nurse Corps
“We ducked under the operat in g tables as the bombs fell, dropp in g our scalpels. There was no time to change hypodermic needles. This was a case of giv in g relief from pa in as fast as possible.” 1 Lt. Robert T. Garrett, MD AAF Medical Corps
“We were now in the driveway of the hospital. The scene could have been lifted from the Atlanta hospital scene in “Gone with the W in d”. The hospital was already filled and the overflow was ly in g all over the hallways and lawn. The horseshoe driveway was filled bumper to bumper with trucks and ambulances, all filled with the dead and wounded. The small new hospital had just opened and had neither equipment, doctors, or nurses to handle this flood. Little, if anyth in g, could be done for the scores of wounded who sat or laid quietly around. Many were airman who walked in from the field after their planes were destroyed. "We left the airman we brought in on the grass. I could not bear to look at him as I felt he was go in g to die. " A young doctor and nurse came out of the hospital door and shouted. “Don’t unload any more, we are full.” He was clearly frantic from the impossible task fac in g him and the small staff on duty. The planes were still pound in g the hangar and barracks area. Their mach in e guns never seemed to run out of bullets. Fortunately, by now, most of the men had found some form of protection. To the everlast in g credit of the Japanese pilots, they did not bomb the hospital, which was clearly marked with a huge red cross on the ro of . If they had, it would have been a terrible slaughter, s in ce all the wounded and many rescuers were congregated in and around it. "From somewhere, the young Capta in (Doctor) produced a p in t of whiskey and with shaky hands wrung of f the cap. He took a gulp in g dr in k then handed it to the young Army Nurse. My thought was, “How can he dr in k that stuff straight out of the bottle and before breakfast?!” "The nurse followed suit. While I felt this was not womanly, I felt no less respect for her at the time. "A medical sergeant came runn in g out of the hospital door shout in g “Take them to Tripler, Take them to Tripler.” Tripler General Hospital was in Honolulu and was the largest military hospital in the islands. The lead trucks and ambulances in the driveway started pull in g out. About four vehicles back, the l in e stopped. An ambulance was not mov in g. The doctor and I ran up to urge him to go on and get the l in e mov in g. The doctor stuck his head in the door. The red-headed young driver had his head in his arms rest in g on the steer in g wheel. The doctor grabbed him by the hair and pulled his hair up. No wonder he didn’t pull out. His face looked like raw hamburger. Blood covered his khaki shirt to his waist. One look and the doctor ordered two nearby men to pull the driver in with the wounded he had brought in the ambulance. He did not say a word or make any expression. I believe he was in shock. The driver lay limp on top of the others in his own ambulance without the benefit of a stretcher”. William F. Rudder, Sr .
“I was put on a detail which was to pick up bodies and load them on a truck and deliver them to the Base Hospital grounds. The sight of those bodies on the green grass, aga in st the backdrop of the new white hospital build in g, presented an awesome sight. The realization that these were recently live human be in gs made me wonder what this tragic result was go in g to do to the parents and love ones at home”. Russell J. Tener
“ I saw a B- 1 7 com in g in to land with gear down and a Japanese fighter on his tail shoot in g at him. The B- 1 7 was try in g to out run the fighter and was go in g too fast to land so he pulled up and went around for another approach with the fighter stay in g on his tail fir in g a burst whenever in position to do so. The B- 1 7 landed hot and as it was braked to a stop a bust from the fighter set it afire just ahead of the vertical stabilizer. The crew ran from the plane as it burned in two and sagged in the middle. Shortly thereafter the Japanese planes completed the first part of the raid and left Hickam was left with burn in g aircraft and smok in g build in gs.” Lee E. Metcalfe
“ A flight of B- 1 7’s was land in g dur in g the raid, as one of them rolled down the runway. The Japs strafed it and the rear of the plane caught fire. It came to a stop almost in front of the control tower, with its complete tail section miss in g, aft the waist in the nose high attitude.” Joseph M. Leukuma Mechanic 1 9th Transport Squadron
“…a young medical of ficer who had arrived with the B- 1 7 bombers from the States dur in g the raid. When I first noticed him he was sitt in g on the stairs to the second story of the hospital. I suppose the reason that my attention was called to him was that he was dressed in a w in ter uniform which we never wore in the Islands, and had the in signia of a medical of ficer on his lapels. He had a wound in the face and when I went to take care of him he said he was all right and po in ted to the casualties on the litters on the floor and said, “ take care of them”. I told him I would get him on the next ambulance go in g to Tripler General Hospital, which I did. The next day I heard that he had died after arriv in g at Tripler.” "The five hundred pound bomb which landed on the hospital lawn appeared to be one of a cha in dropped from altitude and apparently meant for a ball diamond a short distance away. I have heard that the reason that the ball diamond was bombed was that the orig in al plans for Hickam Field called for the underground gasol in e storage be in g located under it and the Japanese had this plan. Major Frank H. Lane , Commander Hickam Field Hospital 7 December 1 94 1
“ Down everybody, ….somebody said “ there went headquarters, we could hear the bombs fall in g of f in the distance. The bomb that fell just prior to the one hitt in g headquarters made a huge crater. A few weeks later they planted a tree. A little sprig in the crater, but the hole was there. I went back 25 years later, and it would take 6 people to put their arms around that tree. It was a huge banyan tree, and that tree is there to this day.” 2Lt. Monica Conter, Army Nurse Corps
“ I then got in to my car, a new 1 94 1 Plymouth and drove down to the hangers to see what I could do. Our hanger was # 1 7 and was next to the Hawaiian Air Depot, it had been hit by bombs and was a mess. A plane that was parked in front of our hanger had taken a direct hit and was on fire”. Wallace S. Mart in Jr. Pilot with the 1 9th Transport Squadron Liv in g at the corner of 5th and Beard at Hickam Field
“I ran to war d a burn in g Ford sedan near the “snake ranch” another name for the “ War College”. I had noticed it from the back of our truck on the way to the hospital. The upholstery had burned out and the pa in t was peel in g from the drivers’ side door. The burn in g smell of flesh should have told me I could not help the men in side. The passenger was bent over for war d. His clothes were burned of f and his sk in in a condition I shall not attempt to describe here. The driver will leave a picture in my m in e forever. The car had been strafed and set afire. The driver was sitt in g beh in d the steer in g wheel still clutch in g a Thompson mach in e gun. His face was burned horribly and burned black sk in outl in ed his facial bones. At my feet was a section of his skull and black hair. The wood stock of his gun was burned almost of f and was still burn in g. If a report had to be made it would simply be :“Two soldiers in a black Ford Sedan, one had black hair, both burned beyond recognition”. William F. Rudder, Sr .
“Due to the condition of the barracks and because of the still persistent rumors of “ in vad in g Jap troops”, many of us were told to billet elsewhere. A group of us were quartered that night in the elementary school on the back of Hickam Field overlook in g the Pearl Harbor channel. At this po in t my m in d becomes hazy as to why we were sent there. Be in g a private, I was not privy to what the top enlisted ranks had been in structed to do. Perhaps it was to act as observers for enemy activity which would have come in that direction because it faced the direction of Barbers Po in t, the rumored land in g area. "A few hours after darkness had set in and, of course, blackout conditions prevailed, one could easily see the tracers from random mach in e gun fire which was occurr in g by trigger-happy gunners. Then, suddenly, the land in g lights of aircraft fly in g in from sea lit up the dark sky. Immediately there was a barrage of fir in g mak in g tracers clearly evident as they sped to war d the planes. Somehow I knew that the planes were friendly; why I did so, I can’t expla in , except that I felt all along that someone had been able to take of f from one of our airfields after the sneak attack ended. The direction of the in tended land in g was to war d Pearl Harbor and this made me realize that they must be Navy planes. There was much excitable shout in g from all around by those of us who somehow knew that these were friendly aircraft, but there was no hope of stopp in g the emotionally charged trigger-happy gunners who could have been fir in g from all po in ts of the island. Suddenly, there was one terrific explosion after another, until all three aircraft fell in balls of flames which lit up the dark night. I assumed that the planes were Navy PBY’s but I never got the opportunity to verify this; however, we did learn that they were, in fact, U.S. Navy planes. "The aforementioned rumored enemy troop land in g never did take place, I’m happy to say, thus prov in g it was just that – rumor! Russell J. Tener
“When the fir in g subsided, we surfaced and spent the rest of the night outside the build in g listen in g to in termittent gun fire; everyone seemed to be trigger-happy. Reports were com in g over the teletype and radios that the Japanese were land in g all over Oahu and that paratroopers were dropped at Hickam. The idea of paratroopers com in g kept us all in a state of anxiety for the rest of the night. We later found out that the planes were Navy planes from the Enterprise and that some were shot down. "As I look back to the events of that day. I know that I didn’t perform any heroics; however, every one of the 324th Signal Company performed the duties for which they were tra in ed without question, and I am proud to have been a part of that organization. As a member of the Pearl Harbor Survivors Association, I am of ten asked what ship I was on. When I reply that I wasn’t on a ship but was stationed at Hickam Field, I am usually asked, where is Hickam Field?” "The Japanese certa in ly knew”. Thomas J. Pillion Private 324th Signal Company Hickam Field
“After the attack, we went to the Squadron Headquarters where we were told to dig trenches near our quarters, black out our quarters with blankets, give a password and told to shoot if necessary. Shoot in g seemed to go on all night. "I was called to Headquarters dur in g the night, perhaps because I had at one time held a commission in the In fantry Reserve. Rumors were fly in g. They had reports of paratroops be in g dropped, for which I was queried? I advised “impossible” a plane carry in g paratroops could not take of f from a carrier”. Wallace S. Mart in Jr. Pilot with the 1 9th Transport Squadron Liv in g at the corner of 5th and Beard at Hickam Field
“The base was really a lot of confusion. Japanese planes were s war m in g everywhere. There was so much noise. The noise was terrible. I wouldn’t want to ever experience that aga in . "When we got in to the mounta in s we saw lots of other families from the base up there. In the home where we stayed there were 25 people. "There in the mounta in s we could hear the bombing very clearly. At night we could see the fires from build in gs, planes and ships on fire. "We weren’t too far, about 1 0 miles from the base. There was a radio up there and we kept the radio on to hear news about the base and in structions as to what to do. All of us had a big pot of stew for supper, they made room for everybody. "The very next day after gett in g in to the mounta in s, some had gone back to their homes on base to get diapers and cloth in g for their children. I wanted to do the same. So we returned. When we got to the front gate of the base, I told them that I wanted to get some th in gs from the house for the children. We lived two miles from the gate. We were told that we could have only 1 5 m in utes before we had to be back of f the base. When I got back to our house, my husband was in the bathroom shav in g. He had gotten better, so had returned to the base. He helped me gather some th in gs for the children, clothes, toys etc. and I picked up some mementos and returned to the mounta in s.” Jessie Reed Seyle Wife of Lt. Stanley Jenn in gs Reed
“ Some days later Lt. Turner and I visited the morgue to try and identify the squadron dead. The dead were in pla in wooden boxes, naked; many with no obvious wounds. This would support the belief that some were killed by concussion. I kept th in k in g that most appeared much younger than thirty-two years. As I walked among the dead, the thought occurred to me, that perhaps in view of the expected in vasion, they were better of f than those of us who survived the in itial attack.” Carlos F. McCuiston 1 9th Transport Squadron 1 st Sgt.
T otal War -Both World Wars engulfed the civilian populations of the opposing sides. Civilians supported the wars through factory production and agriculture. Civilians were targeted by all sides as the wars progressed, and civilian opinion was critical to the continued war efforts. Critical Points-||
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· As men were mobilized for war, women’s roles on the home front expanded greatly(evaluate how production in both conflicts depended on women’s labor and support) · Using blockades and the denying supplies of food as weapons was practiced by all sides. (examine the blockades or WWI with the mass starvation of WWII in Leningrad)
· Maintaining the war effort through propaganda was common and very important for morale.( compare the types of propaganda in both world conflicts) This section of the site comprises the wartime diaries of Thomas Fredrick Littler. The introduction below was penned by Fred's descendent, Chris Littler.
Introduction by Chris Littler
Fred Littler joined the Cheshire Regiment shortly after his 17th birthday in 1914. He trained in Aberystwyth, Cambridge, Northampton and Norwich, before beginning work at Siddley Deasy in Coventry. He signed for Foreign Service on his 18th birthday, and, after further training, left England for Rouen in March 1916. His diary describes his experience of battle in Northern France for 11 months from April 1916, where he sustained a leg injury, which eventually led to his return to England to convalesce.
In England he met his future wife and joined the Royal Engineers with whom he returned to France in April 1918 until the end of the war. He reports many casualties around him on the front line and in support positions, and himself survived [[../atoz/influenza.htm|Spanish Flu]], a major killer, towards the end of the war.
G enocide - World Wars also allowed countries to propose and act upon solutions for portions of their populations that they could characterize as undesirable. From forced internal exile or relocations, mass executions and even extermination camps the First and Second World Wars changed how unwanted populations were treated.
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· Racial and religious prejudice reached new heights in this period. Genocide became a “final solution” for several regimes during the Second World War. (Examine how the Armenians in Turkey were treated during WW I versus how the Jews were treated in WWII) · Internal opposition was not tolerated during the First and Second World Wars. (How did America treat people of German descent during WWI and Japanese during WWII) The Diary of a Young Girl
by Anne Frank One of the most famous accounts of the Holocaust is told by a teenage Jewish girl who from1942 to 1944, with her family, hid from the Gestapo in a tiny attic in Amsterdam. Young Anne wrote regularly in her diary and, despite impending doom, continued to believe in human goodness and to express hope that one day she might live in a world without hate. On August 4, 1944, her family and friends were captured and sent to Auschwitz. Anne died in the Bergen-Belsen concentration camp, probably of typhus, several weeks prior to the camp's liberation. The book is recommended for junior high school and high school students.
Saturday, July 15, 1944 It's difficult in times like these: ideals, dreams and cherished hopes rise within us, only to be crushed by grim reality. It's a wonder I haven't abandoned all my ideals, they seem so absurd and impractical. Yet I cling to them because I still believe, in spite of everything, that people are truly good at heart. It's utterly impossible for me to build my life on a foundation of chaos, suffering and death. I see the world being slowly transformed into a wilderness, I hear the approaching thunder that, one day, will destroy us too, I feel the suffering of millions. And yet, when I look up at the sky, I somehow feel that everything will change for the better, that this cruelty too shall end, that peace and tranquility will return once more. In the meantime, I must hold on to my ideals. Perhaps the day will come when I'll be able to realize them!
A uthoritarianism - As the 20th century dawned much of the population of Europe lived under the rule of kings and monarchies. The World conflicts that characterized the first half of the century shattered these regimes and brought new powerful individuals to power. These dictators allowed little or no opposition and created powerful parties or systems to keep themselves in place. Critical Points-
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Old monarchies and territories will fall apart in the face of rising nationalism and the forces of war Democratic ideals will be pushed aside as militarism becomes more widespread (Compare the governments and nations at the beginning of each war)
New forceful leaders will take power and implement their totalitarian ideas of government.(look at the rise of Hitler, Mussolini, or Tojo)
MUNICH SPEECH OF APRIL 12, 1922 AFTER the War production had begun again and it was thought that better times were coming, Frederick the Great after the Seven Years War had, as the result of superhuman efforts, left Prussia without a penny of debt: at the end of the World War Germany was burdened with her own debt of some 7 or 8 milliards of marks and beyond that was faced with the debts of 'the rest of the world' - the so-called 'reparations.' The product of Germany's work thus belonged not to the nation, but to her foreign creditors: 'it was carried endlessly in trains for territorities beyond our frontiers.' Every worker had to support another worker, the product of whose labor was commandeered by the foreigner. 'The German people after twenty-five or thirty years, in consequence of the fact that it will never be able to pay all that is demanded of it, will have so gigantic a sum still owing that practically it will be forced to produce more than it does today.' What will the end be? and the answer to that question is 'Pledging of our land, enslavement of our labor-strength. Therefore, in the economic sphere, November 1918 was in truth no achievement, but it was the beginning of our collapse.' And in the political sphere we lost first our military prerogatives, and with that loss went the real sovereignty of our State, and then our financial independence, for there remained always the Reparations Commission so that 'practically we have no longer a politically independent German Reich, we are already a colony of the outside world. We have contributed to this because so far as possible we humiliated ourselves morally, we positively destroyed our own honor and helped to befoul, to besmirch, and to deny everything which we previously held as sacred.' If it be objected that the Revolution has won for us gains in social life: they must be extraordinarily secret, these social gains - so secret that one never sees them in practical life - they must just run like a fluid through our German atmosphere. Some one may say 'Well, there is the eight-hour day!' And was a collapse necessary to gain that? And will the eight-hour day be rendered any more secure through our becoming practically the bailiff and the drudge of the other peoples? One of these days France will say: You cannot meet your obligations, you must work more. So this achievement of the Revolution is put in question first of all by the Revolution.
Then some one has said: 'Since the Revolution the people has gained Rights. The people governs!' Strange! The people has now been ruling three years and no one has in practice once asked its opinion. Treaties were signed which will hold us down for centuries: and who has signed the treaties? The people? No! Governments which one fine day presented themselves as Governments. And at their election the people had nothing to do save to consider the question: there they are already, whether I elect them or not. If we elect them, then they are there through our election. But since we are a self-governing people, we must elect the folk in order that they may be elected to govern us.
Then it was said, 'Freedom has come to us through the Revolution.' Another of those things that one cannot see very easily! It is of course true that one can walk down the street, the individual can go into his workshop and he can go out again: here and there he can go to a meeting. In a word, the individual has liberties. But in general, if he is wise, he will keep his mouth shut. For if in former times extraordinary care was taken that no one should let slip anything which could be treated as lèse-majesté, now a man must take much greater care that he doesn't say anything which might represent an insult to the majesty of a member of Parliament.
And if we ask who was responsible for our misfortune, then we must inquire who profited by our collapse. And the answer to that question is that 'Banks and Stock Exchanges are more flourishing than ever before.' We were told that capitalism would be destroyed, and when we ventured to remind one or other of these famous statesmen and said 'Don't forget hat Jews too have capital,' then the answer was: 'What are you worrying about? Capitalism as a whole will now be destroyed, the whole people will now be free. We are not fighting Jewish or Christian capitalism, we are fighting very capitalism: we are making the people completely free.'
Christian capitalism' is already as good as destroyed, the international Jewish Stock Exchange capital gains in proportion as the other loses ground. It is only the international Stock Exchange and loan-capital, the so-called 'supra-state capital,' which has profited from the collapse of our economic life, the capital which receives its character from the single supra-state nation which is itself national to the core, which fancies itself to be above all other nations, which places itself above other nations and which already rules over them.
The international Stock Exchange capital would be unthinkable, it would never have come, without its founders the supra-national, because intensely national, Jews....
The Jew has not grown poorer: he gradually gets bloated, and, if you don't believe me, I would ask you to go to one of our health-resorts; there you will find two sorts of visitors: the German who goes there, perhaps for the first time for a long while, to breathe a little fresh air and to recover his health, and the Jew who goes there to lose his fat. And if you go out to our mountains, whom do you find there in fine brand-new yellow boots with splendid rucksacks in which there is generally nothing that would really be of any use? And why are they there? They go up to the hotel, usually no further than the train can take them: where the train stops, they stop too. And then they sit about somewhere within a mile from the hotel, like blow-flies round a corpse.
These are not, you may be sure, our working classes: neither those working with the mind, nor with the body. With their worn clothes they leave the hotel on one side and go on climbing: they would not feel comfortable coming into this perfumed atmosphere in suits which date from 1913 or 1914. No, assuredly the Jew has suffered no privations! . . .
While now in Soviet Russia the millions are ruined and are dying, Chicherin - and with him a staff of over 200 Soviet Jews - travels by express train through Europe, visits the cabarets, watches naked dancers perform for his pleasure, lives in the finest hotels, and does himself better than the millions whom once you thought you must fight as 'bourgeois.' The 400 Soviet Commissars of Jewish nationality - they do not suffer; the thousands upon thousands of sub-Commissars -they do not suffer. No! all the treasures which the 'proletarian' in his madness took from the 'bourgeoise' in order to fight so-called capitalism - they have all gone into their hands. Once the worker appropriated the purse of the landed proprietor who gave him work, he took the rings, the diamonds and rejoiced that he had now got the treasures which before only the 'bourgeoisie' possessed. But in his hands they are dead things - they are veritable death-gold. They are no profit to him. He is banished into his wilderness and one cannot feed oneself on diamonds. For a morsel of bread he gives millions in objects of value. But the bread is in the hands of the State Central Organization and this is in the hands of the Jews: so everything, everything that the common man thought that he was winning for himself, flows back again to his seducers.
And now, my dear fellow-countrymen, do you believe that these men, who with us are going the same way, will end the Revolution? They do not wish the end of the Revolution, for they do not need it. For them the Revolution is milk and honey.
And further they cannot end the Revolution. For if one or another amongst the leaders were really not seducer but seduced, and today, driven by the inner voice of horror at his crime, were to step before the masses and make his declaration: 'We have all deceived ourselves: we believed that we could lead you out of misery, but we have in fact led you into a misery which your children and your children's children must still bear' - he cannot say that, he dare not say that, he would on the public square or in the public meeting be torn in pieces.
But amongst the masses there begins to flow a new stream - a stream of opposition. It is the recognition of the facts which is already in pursuit of this system, it already is hunting the system down; it will one day scourge the masses into action and carry the masses along with it. And these leaders, they see that behind them the anti-Semitic wave grows and grows; and when the masses once recognize the facts, that is the end of these leaders.
And thus the Left is forced more and more to turn to Bolshevism. In Bolshevism they see today the sole, the last possibility of preserving the present state of affairs. They realize quite accurately that the people is beaten so long as Brain and Hand can be kept apart. For alone neither Brain nor Hand can really oppose them. So long therefore as the Socialist idea is coined only by men who see in it a means for disintegrating a nation, so long can they rest in peace.
But it will be a sorry day for them when this Socialist idea is grasped by a Movement which unites it with the highest Nationalist pride, with Nationalist defiance, and thus places the Nation's Brain, its intellectual workers, on this ground. Then this system will break up, and there would remain only one single means of salvation for its supporters: viz. to bring the catastrophe upon us before their own ruin, to destroy the Nation's Brain, to bring it to the scaffold - to introduce Bolshevism.
So the Left neither can nor will help. On the contrary, their first lie compels them constantly to resort to new lies. There remains then the Right. And this party of the Right meant well, but it cannot do what it would because up to the present time it has failed to recognize a whole series of elementary principles.
In the first place the Right still fails to recognize the danger. These gentlemen still persist in believing that it is a question of being elected to a Landtag or of posts as ministers or secretaries. They think that the decision of a people's destiny would mean at worst nothing more than some damage to their so-called bourgeois-economic existence. They have never grasped the fact that this decision threatens their heads. They have never yet understood that it is not necessary to be an enemy of the Jew for him to drag you one day, on the Russian model, to the scaffold. They do not see that it is quite enough to have a head on your shoulders and not to be a Jew: that will secure the scaffold for you.
In consequence their whole action today is so petty, so limited, so hesitating and pusillanimous. They would like to - but they can never decide on any great deed, because they fail to realize the greatness of the whole period.
And then there is another fundamental error: they have never got it clear in their own minds that there is a difference or how great a difference there is between the conception 'National' and the word 'dynastic' or 'monarchistic.' They do not understand that today it is more than ever necessary in our thoughts as Nationalists to avoid anything which might perhaps cause the individual to think that the National Idea was identical with petty everyday political views. They ought day by day to din into the ears of the masses: 'We want to bury all the petty differences and to bring out into the light the big things, the things we have in common which bind us to one another. That should weld and fuse together those who have still a German heart and a love for their people in the fight against the common hereditary foe of all Aryans. How afterward we divide up this State, friends - we have no wish to dispute over that! The form of a State results from the essential character of a people, results from necessities which are so elementary and powerful that in time every individual will realize them without any disputation when once all Germany is united and free.'
And finally they all fail to understand that we must on principle free ourselves from any class standpoint. It is of course very easy to call out to those on the Left, 'You must not be proletarians, leave your class-madness,' while you yourselves continue to call yourself 'bourgeois.' They should learn that in a single State there is only one supreme citizen - right, one supreme citizen - honor, and that is the right and the honor of honest work. They should further learn that the social idea must be the essential foundation for any State, otherwise no State can permanently endure.
Certainly a government needs power, it needs strength. It must, I might almost say, with brutal ruthlessness press through the ideas which it has recognized to be right, trusting to the actual authority of its strength in the State. But even with the most ruthless brutality it can ultimately prevail only if what it seeks to restore does truly correspond to the welfare of a whole people.
That the so-called enlightened absolutism of a Frederick the Great was possible depended solely on the fact that, though this man could undoubtedly have decided 'arbitrarily' the destiny - for good or ill - of his so-called 'subjects,' he did not do so, but made his decisions influenced and supported by one thought alone, the welfare of his Prussian people. It was this fact only that led the people to tolerate willingly, nay joyfully, the dictatorship of the great king.
AND THE RIGHT HAS FURTHER COMPLETELY FORGOTTEN THAT DEMOCRACY IS FUNDAMENTALLY NOT GERMAN: IT IS JEWISH. It has completely forgotten that this Jewish democracy with its majority decisions has always been without exception only a means towards the destruction of any existing Aryan leadership. The Right does not understand that directly every small question of profit or loss is regularly put before so-called 'public opinion,' he who knows how most skilfully to make this 'public opinion' serve his own interests becomes forthwith master in the State. And that can be achieved by the man who can lie most artfully, most infamously; and in the last resort he is not the German, he is, in Schopenhauer's words, 'the great master in the art of lying' - the Jew.
And finally it has been forgotten that the condition which must precede every act is the will and the courage to speak the truth - and that we do not see today either in the Right or in the Left.
There are only two possibilities in Germany; do not imagine that the people will forever go with the middle party, the party of compromises; one day it will turn to those who have most consistently foretold the coming ruin and have sought to dissociate themselves from it. And that party is either the Left: and then God help us! for it will lead us to complete destruction - to Bolshevism, or else it is a party of the Right which at the last, when the people is in utter despair, when it has lost all its spirit and has no longer any faith in anything, is determined for its part ruthlessly to seize the reins of power - that is the beginning of resistance of which I spoke a few minutes ago. Here, too, there can be no compromise - there are only two possibilities: either victory of the Aryan, or annihilation of the Aryan and the victory of the Jew.
It is from the recognition of this fact, from recognizing it, I would say, in utter, dead earnestness, that there resulted the formation of our Movement. There are two principles which, when we founded the Movement, we engraved upon our hearts: first, to base it on the most sober recognition of the facts, and second, to proclaim these facts with the most ruthless sincerity.
And this recognition of the facts discloses at once a whole series of the most important fundamental principles which must guide this young Movement which, we hope, is destined one day for greatness:
1. 'NATIONAL' AND 'SOCIAL' ARE TWO IDENTICAL CONCEPTIONS. It was only the Jew who succeeded, through falsifying the social idea and turning it into Marxism, not only in divorcing the social idea from the national, but in actually representing them as utterly contradictory. That aim he has in fact achieved. At the founding of this Movement we formed the decision that we would give expression to this idea of ours of the identity of the two conceptions: despite all warnings, on the basis of what we had come to believe, on the basis of the sincerity of our will, we christened it ''National Socialist.' We said to ourselves that to be 'national' means above everything to act with a boundless and all-embracing love for the people and, if necessary, even to die for it. And similarly to be 'social' means so to build up the state and the community of the people that every individual acts in the interest of the community of the people and must be to such an extent convinced of the goodness, of the honorable straightforwardness of this community of the people as to be ready to die for it.
2. And then we said to ourselves: THERE ARE NO SUCH THINGS AS CLASSES: THEY CANNOT BE. Class means caste and caste means race. If there are castes in India, well and good; there it is possible, for there there were formerly Aryans and dark aborigines. So it was in Egypt and in Rome. But with us in Germany where everyone who is a German at all has the same blood, has the same eyes, and speaks the same language, here there can be no class, here there can be only a single people and beyond that nothing else. Certainly we recognize, just as anyone must recognize, that there are different 'occupations' and 'professions' [Stände]-there is the Stand of the watchmakers, the Stand of the common laborers, the Stand of the painters or technicians, the Stand of the engineers, officials, etc. Stände there can be. But in the struggles which these Stände have amongst themselves for the equalization of their economic conditions, the conflict and the division must never be so great as to sunder the ties of race.
And if you say 'But there must after all be a difference between the honest creators and those who do nothing at all' - certainly there must! That is the difference which lies in the performance of the conscientious work of the individual. Work must be the great connecting link, but at the same time the great factor which separates one man from another. The drone is the foe of us all. But the creators - it matters not whether they are brain workers or workers with the hand - they are the nobility of our State, they are the German people!
We understand under the term 'work' exclusively that activity which not only profits the individual but in no way harms the community, nay rather which contributes to form the community.
3. And in the third place IT WAS CLEAR TO US THAT THIS PARTICULAR VIEW IS BASED ON AN IMPULSE WHICH SPRINGS FROM OUR RACE AND FROM OUR BLOOD. We said to ourselves that race differs from race and, further, that each race in accordance with its fundamental demands shows externally certain specific tendencies, and these tendencies can perhaps be most clearly traced in their relation to the conception of work. The Aryan regards work as the foundation for the maintenance of the community of people amongst it members. The Jew regards work as the means to the exploitation of other peoples. The Jew never works as a productive creator without the great aim of becoming the master. He works unproductively using and enjoying other people's work. And thus we understand the iron sentence which Mommsen once uttered: 'The Jew is the ferment of decomposition in peoples,' that means that the Jew destroys and must destroy because he completely lacks the conception of an activity which builds up the life of the community. And therefore it is beside the point whether the individual Jew is 'decent' or not. In himself he carries those characteristics which Nature has given him, and he cannot ever rid himself of those characteristics. And to us he is harmful. Whether he harms us consciously or unconsciously, that is not our affair. We have consciously to concern ourselves for the welfare of our own people.
4. And fourthly WE WERE FURTHER PERSUADED THAT ECONOMIC PROSPERITY IS INSEPARABLE FROM POLITICAL FREEDOM AND THAT THEREFORE THAT HOUSE OF LIES, 'INTERNATIONALISM,' MUST IMMEDIATELY COLLAPSE. We recognized that freedom can eternally be only a consequence of power and that the source of power is the will. Consequently the will to power must be strengthened in a people with passionate ardor. And thus we realized fifthly that
5. WE AS NATIONAL SOCIALISTS and members of the German Workers party - a Party pledged to work - MUST BE ON PRINCIPLE THE MOST FANATICAL NATIONALISTS. We realized that the State can be for our people a paradise only if the people can hold sway therein freely as in a paradise: we realized that a slave state will never be a paradise, but only - always and for all time - a hell or a colony.
6. And then sixthly we grasped the fact that POWER IN THE LAST RESORT IS POSSIBLE ONLY WHERE THERE IS STRENGTH, and that strength lies not in the dead weight of numbers but solely in energy. Even the smallest minority can achieve a mighty result if it is inspired by the most fiery, the most pas sionate will to act. World history has always been made by minorities. And lastly
7. If one has realized a truth, that truth is valueless so long as there is lacking the indomitable will to turn this realization into action!
These were the foundations of our Movement - the truths on which it was based and which demonstrated its necessity.
For three years we have sought to realize these fundamental ideas. And of course a fight is and remains a fight. Stroking in very truth will not carry one far. Today the German people has been beaten by a quite other world, while in its domestic life it has lost all spirit; no longer has it any faith. But how will you give this people once more firm ground beneath its feet save by the passionate insistence on one definite, great, clear goal?
Thus we were the first to declare that this peace treaty was a crime. Then folk abused us as 'agitators.' We were the first to protest against the failure to present this treaty to the people before it was signed. Again we were called 'agitators.' We were the first to summon men to resistance against being reduced to a continuing state of defenselessness. Once more we were 'agitators.' At that time we called on the masses of the people not to surrender their arms, for the surrender of one's arms would be nothing less than the beginning of enslavement. We were called, no, we were cried down as, 'agitators.' We were the first to say that this meant the loss of Upper Silesia. So it was, and still they called us 'agitators.' We declared at that time that compliance in the question of Upper Silesia MUST have as its consequence the awakening of a passionate greed which would demand the occupation of the Ruhr. We were cried down ceaselessly, again and again. And because we opposed the mad financial policy which today will lead to our collapse, what was it that we were called repeatedly once more? 'Agitators,' And today?
And finally we were also the first to point the people on any large scale to a danger which insinuated itself into our midst - a danger which millions failed to realize and which will nonetheless lead us all into ruin - the Jewish danger. And today people are saying yet again that we were 'agitators.' I would like here to appeal to a greater than I, Count Lerchenfeld. He said in the last session of the Landtag that his feeling 'as a man and a Christian' prevented him from being an anti-Semite. I SAY: MY FEELING AS A CHRISTIAN POINTS ME TO MY LORD AND SAVIOUR AS A FIGHTER. IT POINTS ME TO THE MAN WHO ONCE IN LONELINESS, SURROUNDED ONLY BY A FEW FOLLOWERS, RECOGNIZED THESE JEWS FOR WHAT THEY WERE AND SUMMONED MEN TO THE FIGHT AGAINST THEM AND WHO, GOD'S TRUTH! WAS GREATEST NOT AS SUFFERER BUT AS FIGHTER. In boundless love as a Christian and as a man I read through the passage which tells us how the Lord at last rose in His might and seized the scourge to drive out of the Temple the brood of vipers and of adders. How terrific was His fight for the world against the Jewish poison. Today, after two thousand years, with deepest emotion I recognize more profoundly than ever before - the fact that it was for this that He had to shed His blood upon the Cross. As a Christian I have no duty to allow myself to be cheated, but I have the duty to be a fighter for truth and justice. And as a man I have the duty to see to it that human society does not suffer the same catastrophic collapse as did the civilization of the ancient world some two thousand years ago - a civilization which was driven to its ruin through this same Jewish people.
Then indeed when Rome collapsed there were endless streams of new German bands flowing into the Empire from the North; but, if Germany collapses today, who is there to come after us? German blood upon this earth is on the way to gradual exhaustion unless we pull ourselves together and make ourselves free!
And if there is anything which could demonstrate that we are acting rightly, it is the distress which daily grows. For as a Christian I have also a duty to my own people. And when I look on my people I see it work and work and toil and labor, and at the end of the week it has only for its wage wretchedness and misery. When I go out in the morning and see these men standing in their queues and look into their pinched faces, then I believe I would be no Christian, but a very devil, if I felt no pity for them, if I did not, as did our Lord two thousand years ago, turn against those by whom today this poor people is plundered and exploited.
And through the distress there is no doubt that the people has been aroused. Externally perhaps apathetic, but within there is ferment. And many may say, 'It is an accursed crime to stir up passions in the people.' And then I say to myself: Passion is already stirred through the rising tide of distress, and one day this passion will break out in one way or another: AND NOW I WOULD ASK THOSE WHO TODAY CALL US 'AGITATORS': 'WHAT THEN HAVE YOU TO GIVE TO THE PEOPLE AS A FAITH TO WHICH IT MIGHT CLING?'
Nothing at all, for you yourselves have no faith in your own prescriptions.
That is the mightiest thing which our Movement must create: for these widespread, seeking and straying masses a new Faith which will not fail them in this hour of confusion, to which they can pledge themselves, on which they can build so that they may at least find once again a place which may bring calm to their hearts.
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American History
Mr. Sontheimer
Throughout the 20th century the world has been torn apart by wars. Unlike previous conflicts these “modern” wars involved more nations, took advantage of the technological improvements related to the Industrial Revolution, and engulfed the entire populations of the combatant nations. We are going to examine both the First and Second World Wars at the same time to find the common themes and differences that characterized each conflict.
Helpful Timeline with Links….Copy into your Wikispace
1914
June 28th - Assassination of Arch-Duke Ferdinand
August 1st- Germany Declares War on Russia
October 29th – Trench Warfare becomes dominant on Western Front
1915
May 7th- Lusitania is sunk by German Submarine (U-Boat)
1916
September 15th- British introduce the tank to the battlefield
1917
January 16th Zimmerman Note
February 1st- Germans begin unrestricted submarine warfare
April 6th- United States declares war on Germany
December 5th- Communist Russia reaches separate peace with Germany
General “Black” Jack Pershing leads the first of 1.8 Million American Soldiers
1918
October 4th- Germany asks for Armistice (cease fire)
November 11th- Armistice is signed bring an end to the fighting
World Wide Influenza epidemic
1919
June 28th- Treaty of Versailles is signed with the League of Nations
1921
Extreme inflation hits German economy as they pay reparations
1922
Mussolini and his followers march on Rome
1923
Hitler launches a failed coup in Bavaria writes
Mein Kampf
1929Stock Market Collapse in United States marking the beginning of Depression
1933
Hitler becomes chancellor of Germany
March 12th First Concentration Camp Opened
1934
June 30th Night of the Long Knives
1937
December 13th Rape of Nanking
1939
March 15th Nazis take Czechoslovakia through appeasement
September 1st Invasion of Poland using the Blitzkrieg
1940
June 22nd France force to sign armistice with Germany
September Beginning of the Blitz
1941
June 22nd Germany attacks Soviet Union a strategic mistake
December 7th Japanese attack Pearl Harbor drawing the United States into war
1942
September 13th Battle of Stalingrad a key turning point of the War
June 4th Battle of Midway another key turning point of the War
1943
Battle of the Atlantic Climaxes with many sinkings
1944
June 6th Normandy Landings Americans in France
August 25th Paris Liberated
December 16-27 Battle of the Bulge Last German offensive of the War
1945
Feb 13th Dresden Firebombed Many civilians are targeted by allies .
April 28th Mussolini Hanged
April 30th Hilter commits suicide
May 7th German’s Surrender
August 6th First Atomic bomb used on Hiroshima
September 2 Japanese Surrender
October 4th United Nations formed
World War I Alliances
Triple Entente
France
Russia
England
USA
Triple Alliance
Germany
Austria-Hungarian Empire
Ottoman Empire
World War II Alliances
Axis Powers
Germany
Japan
Italy
Allied Powers
Great Britain
United States
Soviet Union
France*
Your Project!
In each of the following categories you will research and explain ONE critical point from each category. You must support and illustrate your answer with FOUR PICTURES and ONE OTHER PRIMARY SOURCE. Your answer and evidence must connect and cover the First and Second World Wars. You may submit an answer in one of the following formats.
1.) Microsoft Word Document with Answers, Pictures, and Primary sources on one page.
2.) Wikispaces page(s) on your account with Answers, Pictures, and Primary sources arranged in a way that completes the assignment. Please place a link to your page on the class wikispace so I can go visit yours!
Why these Wars Matter!
T echnology -Both conflicts featured many new inventions and weapons that were developed and improved throughout the first half of the twentieth century. These inventions included tanks, aircraft, submarines, better communications devices, radar, sonar, and many more . The introduction many of the inventions prompted improvements and innovations that continue through today.
Critical Points - ||
· New technologies changed how war was waged Old techniques of fighting were decidedly ineffective against new tools. (chart the changes that armies made in how they fight ie. trenches vs. movement)
· Developments in weapons extended their range and effectiveness. (examine the improvements made to a weapon of your choice through both wars ie. The tank)
· Destructive capability increased so much that weapons became almost unusable because of their power.(Look at some of the most ghastly moments in both wars and make comparisons about the weapons that brought them about ie. Somme vs. Dresden
The stories of a number of survivors of the December 7, 1 94 1 bombing of Hickam Air Force Base.
“It was in terest in g. For ten days just before the attack, the base was on full alert. It seemed as though they were expect in g someth in g to happen. No one was allowed to leave the base dur in g this alert. The Saturday before the bombing attack, the alert was lifted. Saturday night a wealthy Japanese banker held a big party for the of ficers at the of ficer’s club. As I look back on it, it seems as if it were all planned in advance.”
Jessie Reed Seyle
Wife of Lt. Stanley Jenn in gs Reed
“We had been on Alert for two weeks but that was called of f on December 6, 1 94 1 . That night be in g a Saturday we went up to Wheeler Field to visit some friends of ours in the 1 9th Fighter Squadron, who had also been on Alert. We had long talked about the reason for the Alert and were agreed that if we went to war it would be with the Russians.
We returned home late that night and at about five to eight AM we heard a loud explosion com in g from Pearl Harbor way. I got up and looked out the shades and saw that one of the large oil storage tanks at Pearl was puff in g out a lot of black smoke. I told my wife it looked like it might have leaked and exploded. Just then a plane came over shoot in g its guns and so low I could see it was a Zero with the Ris in g Sun on it. I said to my wife. “get up we are at war ”. I could then hear a number of bullets bounc in g of f our tile ro of . By then we could hear and see the havoc tak in g place at Pearl which was only about 5,600 yards away. Dur in g this time our friend at Wheeler Field called to say they were be in g attacked and that she had been shot at while go in g to a friends to use the phone”.
Wallace S. Mart in Jr.
Pilot with the 1 9th Transport Squadron
Liv in g at the corner of 5th and Beard at Hickam Field
“Once out of the hall, I became a war e of the boom in g noise com in g from the direction of Pearl Harbor. I attached no special significance to the noise, s in ce there was frequent gunnery and bombing practice in the area. I paused momentarily to watch aircraft that were circl in g over Pearl Harbor. As I watched, one aircraft banked sharply to the right reveal in g a red disk on the underside of the w in g. At that moment the awful truth dawned on me; Pearl Harbor was be in g attacked by Japanese aircraft! It soon became evident that Pearl Harbor was not to be the only target.”
Carlos F. McCuiston
1 9th Transport Squadron
“ It was early in the morn in g, when three of us, who had breakfast, were sitt in g around on one of the fellows bed, talk in g about th in gs in general. We heard an airplane fly over very low mak in g a loud eng in e noise. One of the fellows said “ It looks like the Navy is practic in g dive bombing aga in ”. In less than a m in ute later, we heard the same airplane sound then an explosion. S in ce the explosion was unusual, we all walked outside to see what was go in g on. We passed through the doors of W in g E and were stand in g on the stair land in g, look in g to war d W in g F. A bomb hit Hangar #7, and exploded. The concussion of the blast blew the three of us of f the land in g and in to a prickly cactus plant. As we got up, one of the fellows said “ What the Hell is go in g on?” Immediately we heard the squadron First Sergeant yell in g,
“ Everybody out, the Dam Japs are bombing us.”
We ran onto the street and short distant away was the Parade Grounds where everyone thought they would not bomb us there. As I was half way across the Parade Grounds, a Japanese plane flew over very low with the pilot and rear gunner quite visible. The Ris in g Sun In signia was very pla in ly visible on the side of the airplane .
The Parade Ground began to fill up with men com in g out of the barracks, some of them only had their underwear on. Immediately a Japanese plane came down and started to strafe the Parade Grounds. Men were fall in g and runn in g in all directions with me head in g for the new wooden barracks across the way. I stayed there for a short time watch in g some men shoot in g at the Japanese planes with 45 caliber pistols. I left the area to return to the large barracks as I worked in the Supply Room.
On my way back, I walked to war d the Hangar L in e want in g to see the airplane s that were burn in g. I stopped and turned back to my orig in al dest in ation. At the same time, a flight of high level bombers came over and bombed us aga in . I ran to war d the large barracks th in k in g they may be safer. I was later told that I had just left. Some men were killed because of the spl in ters that flew around when the bombs exploded. From then on, it was known as Spl in ter City.
I returned to the large barracks and reported to the supply room. The supply sergeant told me to get busy and start pass in g out rifles and ammunition to the men from our squadron. While in the supply room, another wave of bombers came over and a bomb exploded between W in g E and F, shak in g the build in g. With in a m in ute, a person came runn in g in say in g “ I need some help, the Lieutenant has been hit”. I went with him to the Mess Hall and we picked up Lt. Malcolm J. Brummwell ( Lt. Crittenden), our Squadron Adjutant.
We carried him to the supply room and laid him on the counter. He was bleed in g across the chest and moaned from the pa in . At this time, there were about five people in the supply room and one called the hospital for an ambulance. In a short time it came to the front of the build in g and we were told to br in g the Lieutenant out. We slid him of f the counter and he fell to war d me. Another fellow and I carried the in jured Lieutenant to the ambulance and laid him on a stretcher. The driver and another fellow slid him in and they turned to war d me. The driver, th in k in g I was wounded also because of all the blood on my shirt, said “Take it easy now and get in to the ambulance”. I said there is noth in g wrong with me. He replied, “ I know, I know” and began to force me in side where the Lieutenant was ly in g. I went in to the vehicle, crawled over the driver’s seat and went out through the door. As I walked away from the ambulance, the driver, th in k in g I was in shock, began chas in g me yell in g for me to come back. He soon gave up, return in g to the ambulance and drove the in jured man to the hospital. We later learned that he died from the in juries he received in the chest.
As I returned to the supply room, an in jured soldier was sitt in g with his back aga in st the wall near the stairs. He said, “Please help me”. His abdomen was bleed in g badly and his trousers were soaked with blood. I looked at him and said “I’ll get you some water”. As I ran in to the build in g, to war d the water founta in , I noticed I had noth in g to put the water in . Runn in g in to the supply room, I asked for a mess cup or anyth in g to get the in jured man some water.
Pick in g up a cup, I filled it with water and ran out only to see the man be in g taken away on a stretcher.
The ro of of the barracks was burn in g, there was smoke everywhere and the smell of burnt power in the air. The airplane s on the hangar l in e were burn in g, there was debris and dirt from the bombs scattered everywhere. I turned and saw a man from our squadron named Bernard Mulcahy. He looked at me and said, “Bernie, I can’t believe what is happen in g”. He replied, It’s happen in g, you know Bill, we lived more in the past two hours than we did in our last n in eteen years.
We both walked back in to the build in g which was gett in g thick with smoke from the build in g ro of . I had a 45 caliber pistol in the supply room and picked it up along with a belt and three clips of ammunition. There was talk around about another raid and an in vasion. We walked in to the mess hall and it was a shambles. Someone mentioned that we would have to move in to the mounta in s and fight of f the Japanese.
In vasion talk was everywhere, our Squadron was scattered all around. It was obvious we could not use the barracks because of the smoke and burn in g odor. As we walked away from the mess hall, I noticed someone brought out a five gallon pail of Marasch in o Cherries in syrup, and several five pound packages of American Cheese. Th in k in g we would have to go to the mounta in s to fight, we both took a piece of the cheese and I placed two handfuls of the syrupy cherries in my pocket. I picked up my steel helmet and began walk in g away from the barracks.
Everyone was walk in g around try in g to f in d people from their outfit. In the entire afternoon, I do not recall meet in g anyone from our squadron. As it began to get dark, I ran in to a cook stand in g outside a wooden build in g. He said I should stay around until the next day. There was a cot in the build in g and I would have someth in g to eat. I did, and while ly in g on the cot, I had the 45 pistol near my head ready for any Japanese that came by.
The follow in g day I found a few of our men and they told me we were regroup in g in the school house near the water tower. As I went there, I met more people from our squadron, picked up a rifle and was assigned to guard duty at the Post Exchange where all the w in dows were blown out by the bombs. We rema in ed in the schoolhouse build in g for several days until a new ro of was be in g placed on the large barracks. After a short time, we were allowed to return to our orig in al quarters in W in g E but could only use the first and second floors. The third floor rema in ed unoccupied.”
William Melnyk
U.S. Army Air Corp
Headquarters Squadron,
1 7th Air Base Group
Hickam Field, Hawaii
“The first planes I saw were skimm in g at ro of top level over our barracks. We could clearly see the ris in g sun on their w in gs. The pilots and gunners could be seen look in g around. I couldn’t believe that we were be in g assaulted so far from Japan! An Air Force, middle-aged Sergeant came runn in g to war d us shout in g for us to take cover and holler in g out that he was in World War I and knew what he was talk in g about. He cried out, “We’re at War ! We’re at War !”
The men began to disperse. I made a run for the supply room about 1 0 yards beh in d the barracks. Sgt. Owen, the Supply Sergeant, slept in side and he was ready to issue equipment, dressed in his underwear. I was first in l in e to check-out one of the dozen or so Spr in gfield rifles. Owen passed me a rifle, steel helmet, and a bandolier of 30 caliber ammunition. John Strickland and Sanford Garrett were also wait in g for a weapon. Both of these men had previous in fantry service in Panama. As I started to rush out in to the melee, Owen called me back and ordered that I read of f the serial number of the rifle before gett in g out. I felt in secure in side the wooden build in g, not be in g able to see the planes com in g to take evasive action. We had been tra inin g to obey orders so we had no choice but to give serial numbers while expect in g to be blown to bits any m in ute.
Strickland and Garrett were right along the side of me as we ran outside, where I made an alarm in g discovery – I did not know how to load the rifle!
As an electrician, I had been tra in ed to use a 45 pistol. I had the bolt back try in g to load without success. I shouted to Garrett and Strickland to help me. By now mach in e gun bullets were slamm in g in to the area; jagged bomb shrapnel was fall in g all around us. As I put my helmet on, Strickland held my rifle while Garrett showed me how to force the clip of bullets in to the magaz in e. Two years in the Army and I couldn’t load a Spr in gfield! Although I was reared with rifles and shotguns and fancied myself a crack shot, I simply didn’t know how to get the rounds in the magaz in e. I’m sure my lesson on the Spr in gfield was the quickest in military history. Targets were everywhere by now. I leveled at a bank in g “Jap” plane, lead in g him like I had done quail many times in the field at home. The rifle jumped as the high-powered shell exploded and went after the “Jap” plane. I quickly got of f the first clip of five rounds. By now Strickland and Garrett had loaded and three of us kept up steady fir in g on the planes. How much good we did will never be known, but we had the satisfaction of “fight in g back”.
“I saw the planes straf in g and bombing the base. I saw them straf in g people who were on the roads. The planes would swoop down so low we could see the pilot’s goggles.”
William F. Rudder Sr.
“ I observed several people set up a mach in e gun at one end of the Parade Ground. With in a matter of m in utes they were knocked out of action. Another group attempted to get the gun in action and aga in they were knocked out. The effort of a few brave men to defend the base was doomed from the beg in n in g as Japanese aircraft were circl in g overhead at such altitude as would enable the pilots to observe anyth in g go in g on, on base. This, of course, was why the people were unable to get the gun in action.”
Carlos F. McCuiston
1 9th Transport Squadron
1 st Sgt.
“S in ce the planes seemed to be approach in g the end of the hanger l in e, I decided to cross the runway to war d the trees border in g the field. I had just crossed the runway and started across a taxi strip which had B- 1 8’s l in ed up w in g tip to w in g tip, when a Japanese fighter plane started straf in g the planes. I stood and watched as B- 1 8 after B- 1 8 caught fire from be in g hit. I saw someone in a B- 1 8 mov in g the nose turret and fir in g at the fighter plane. As the fighter approached, a burst from it’s guns hit the B- 1 8 turret and it exploded. The fighter kept fir in g and swung slightly to war d me with the bullets hitt in g the ramp and com in g straight to war d where I was ly in g under the w in g of a B- 1 8. Just before they got to me the plane stopped fir in g, pulled up, made 1 80 degree turn, dove down and started straf in g the B- 1 8’s l in ed up on an in tersection taxi strip. I crossed the taxi strip and in to the trees of f the edge of the field and stayed there until the raid had ended.
I suddenly realized that I had not had any breakfast and was hungry, so I proceeded to the Of ficers Club where someone was pass in g out sandwiches.”
Lee E. Metcalfe
“Lean in g on my right elbow, I cont in ued to watch a formation of planes high overhead; then I heard the second explosion. Their flight path would take them over the Big Barracks and over the 1 9th area. I buried my face in the dirt as the third explosion sounded. I wasn’t count in g after that. I was just a war e that each successive explosion was nearer to me than the preced in g one. Then a deafen in g blast seemed to lift me of f the ground. That was the last one ! Later I would step of f seventeen paces from where that last bomb hit, in the middle of the street, to where I was ly in g.”
Carlos F. McCuiston
1 9th Transport Squadron
1 st Sgt.
We rushed out to war d the Post Exchange restaurant in time to see it blasted. Concrete and fragments were fly in g all around us. A bomb fragment about 1 2 in ches long landed at my feet. It was still smok in g from the heat of the explod in g bomb. To our right, the post theater (a big wooden structure) went up in a cloud of spl in ters and flames, we had to back up to escape the terrific heat the trade w in ds pushed in our faces. I could see cars rush in g of f the field carry in g the dependents of military personnel. It was comfort in g to see women and children be in g evacuated.
William F. Rudder, Sr.
“By now, perhaps 30 to 45 m in utes in to the attack, Hickam Field seemed to be ablaze. Most of the smoke and flames appeared to be com in g from the flight l in e. Pearl Harbor was a mass of smoke and flames”.
Carlos F. McCuiston
1 9th Transport Squadron
1 st Sgt.
“ After the last explosion, I jumped up and turned to run, hop in g to f in d better shelter before the next bombs fell. As it turned out, that was the last of the bombing . As I turned. I saw two airmen ly in g face down just a few feet from me. One had both legs severed at the buttocks. His blood had soaked the ground where he lay. The second had a massive head wound. Some object had passed through his head from the left temple area to just above the right ear. His bra in s were ly in g on the ground. Both were dead.”
Carlos F. McCuiston
1 st Sgt.
1 9th Transport Squadron
"The men, watch in g from the doorway, applauded us shout in g, You got him, you got him!” I hoped we did. However, others fired on him as he unloaded over the big barracks and the parade ground. The planE crashed on Fort Kam. About noon I went over to see it. I climbed up on the w in g, blood was smeared down the w in g where the pilot was pulled out. I noticed his radio had “Philco” tubes!
William F. Rudder, Sr.
"I went on duty at 7:00, maybe a little later, with Irene Boyd. We had six nurses at Hickam; Ann fox was our Chief Nurse, Sally Entrik in , W in nie Mallett, Kathleen Coberly, and Monica. That’s it. Anyway two were of f duty and two were on, and we were work in g A.M. and P.M. dur in g those days. We had just opened our hospital on November 1 5th. So, we didn’t have mattresses on all of the beds and were just gett in g equipped. We had a few patients with cellulitis, and one with pneumonia.
"I reported on with Irene and then, in a little while, we heard this plane. It was los in g altitude, and Sgt. Patton was at the desk, the nurse’s desk, ask in g me for an aspir in or someth in g. We both just stopped suddenly and stared at each other, and we said we thought a plane crashed. Then bang!
"We ran out on the porch overlook in g the matte, as we called it. It was the parade ground, and the flag was here near the runway. About that time, all hell broke loose. I ran to Irene, and I said, “Oh! Irene,” and she said, What are you all excited about.” About that time, I saw the ris in g sun on these planes that were fly in g low, and I said, “My God, Irene. It’s the Japs.” She said. “Oh, Monica, we’re hav in g maneuvers. You know the fleet is in , and you saw them last night.” But, in the meantime, the realization did set in , and I ran down to see Major Lane who was our C.O at the time. He was on the telephone, and I said, “ Oh, Major Lane. Is it the real McCoy?” He just nodded his head in the affirmative and then I started to get the patients down.
"Oh, these were the patients who were com in g in with limbs of f, practically dead from hav in g hemorrhaged. There were just all k in ds of wounds and blood and dust from the build in g that exploded on them. Some had mach in e gun and bomb fragment wounds. They were just butchered. We were try in g to relieve their pa in and their shock. We just went around giv in g that morph in e in those 1 0 c.c. syr in ges, fill in g them up from the flask, just go in g from one to the other. We did try to tag them. Then they would just load them in trucks and ambulances and of f they would go. They were in terrible condition and may have died. Some were brought in dead, and we put them out at the rear of the hospital and covered them up.
“ We heard this plane. It was los in g altitude, and …we both just stopped suddenly and stared at each other … there was a bang! I saw the ris in g sun on the planes. The bombs were gett in g closer and closer .. one 500lb bomb fell on the hospital lawn, …. The whole hospital shook! In a split second someone yelled. “ Down everybody!” and we fell wherever we were, crouch in g, wait in g for the next m in ute – the next bomb to kill us all!”
2Lt. Monica Conter, Army Nurse Corps
“Talked to Lt. Monica Conter (nurse here at Hickam). She, nor any of them, had had any rest for over 30 hours. They laid victims on the porch floor for first aid. Many died, even while she was extract in g the hypo needle! The blood actually ran on the floor. She showed me where it came up over the soles on her shoes. Marie (nurse at Tripler) said many came in hold in g his arm or leg! – completely severed, but hat in g to leave it! Others came with an arm or leg of f; both legs and an arm; and some with all limbs gone! All these fellows were still conscious, and cuss in g the Japs!!”
Lt. Philip C. Sprawls
“ In side the hospital, doctors, staff, and volunteers were overwhelmed by the ferocity of the attack and the number of wounded flood in g the facility.
"There were only six of us nurses, and we couldn’t possibly beg in to take care of all the wounded and dy in g men. The decision was made to treat patients with first-aid-type care and send them to Tripler General Hospital in ambulances. Soon there weren’t enough ambulances so the local people drove patients in their cars”.
2Lt. Sara Entrik in , Army Nurse Corps
“We ducked under the operat in g tables as the bombs fell, dropp in g our scalpels. There was no time to change hypodermic needles. This was a case of giv in g relief from pa in as fast as possible.”
1 Lt. Robert T. Garrett, MD AAF Medical Corps
“We were now in the driveway of the hospital. The scene could have been lifted from the Atlanta hospital scene in “Gone with the W in d”. The hospital was already filled and the overflow was ly in g all over the hallways and lawn. The horseshoe driveway was filled bumper to bumper with trucks and ambulances, all filled with the dead and wounded. The small new hospital had just opened and had neither equipment, doctors, or nurses to handle this flood. Little, if anyth in g, could be done for the scores of wounded who sat or laid quietly around. Many were airman who walked in from the field after their planes were destroyed.
"We left the airman we brought in on the grass. I could not bear to look at him as I felt he was go in g to die.
" A young doctor and nurse came out of the hospital door and shouted.
“Don’t unload any more, we are full.” He was clearly frantic from the impossible task fac in g him and the small staff on duty. The planes were still pound in g the hangar and barracks area. Their mach in e guns never seemed to run out of bullets. Fortunately, by now, most of the men had found some form of protection. To the everlast in g credit of the Japanese pilots, they did not bomb the hospital, which was clearly marked with a huge red cross on the ro of . If they had, it would have been a terrible slaughter, s in ce all the wounded and many rescuers were congregated in and around it.
"From somewhere, the young Capta in (Doctor) produced a p in t of whiskey and with shaky hands wrung of f the cap. He took a gulp in g dr in k then handed it to the young Army Nurse. My thought was, “How can he dr in k that stuff straight out of the bottle and before breakfast?!”
"The nurse followed suit. While I felt this was not womanly, I felt no less respect for her at the time.
"A medical sergeant came runn in g out of the hospital door shout in g “Take them to Tripler, Take them to Tripler.” Tripler General Hospital was in Honolulu and was the largest military hospital in the islands. The lead trucks and ambulances in the driveway started pull in g out. About four vehicles back, the l in e stopped. An ambulance was not mov in g. The doctor and I ran up to urge him to go on and get the l in e mov in g. The doctor stuck his head in the door. The red-headed young driver had his head in his arms rest in g on the steer in g wheel. The doctor grabbed him by the hair and pulled his hair up. No wonder he didn’t pull out. His face looked like raw hamburger. Blood covered his khaki shirt to his waist. One look and the doctor ordered two nearby men to pull the driver in with the wounded he had brought in the ambulance. He did not say a word or make any expression. I believe he was in shock. The driver lay limp on top of the others in his own ambulance without the benefit of a stretcher”.
William F. Rudder, Sr .
“I was put on a detail which was to pick up bodies and load them on a truck and deliver them to the Base Hospital grounds. The sight of those bodies on the green grass, aga in st the backdrop of the new white hospital build in g, presented an awesome sight. The realization that these were recently live human be in gs made me wonder what this tragic result was go in g to do to the parents and love ones at home”.
Russell J. Tener
“ I saw a B- 1 7 com in g in to land with gear down and a Japanese fighter on his tail shoot in g at him. The B- 1 7 was try in g to out run the fighter and was go in g too fast to land so he pulled up and went around for another approach with the fighter stay in g on his tail fir in g a burst whenever in position to do so. The B- 1 7 landed hot and as it was braked to a stop a bust from the fighter set it afire just ahead of the vertical stabilizer. The crew ran from the plane as it burned in two and sagged in the middle. Shortly thereafter the Japanese planes completed the first part of the raid and left Hickam was left with burn in g aircraft and smok in g build in gs.”
Lee E. Metcalfe
“ A flight of B- 1 7’s was land in g dur in g the raid, as one of them rolled down the runway. The Japs strafed it and the rear of the plane caught fire. It came to a stop almost in front of the control tower, with its complete tail section miss in g, aft the waist in the nose high attitude.”
Joseph M. Leukuma
Mechanic
1 9th Transport Squadron
“…a young medical of ficer who had arrived with the B- 1 7 bombers from the States dur in g the raid. When I first noticed him he was sitt in g on the stairs to the second story of the hospital. I suppose the reason that my attention was called to him was that he was dressed in a w in ter uniform which we never wore in the Islands, and had the in signia of a medical of ficer on his lapels. He had a wound in the face and when I went to take care of him he said he was all right and po in ted to the casualties on the litters on the floor and said, “ take care of them”. I told him I would get him on the next ambulance go in g to Tripler General Hospital, which I did. The next day I heard that he had died after arriv in g at Tripler.”
"The five hundred pound bomb which landed on the hospital lawn appeared to be one of a cha in dropped from altitude and apparently meant for a ball diamond a short distance away. I have heard that the reason that the ball diamond was bombed was that the orig in al plans for Hickam Field called for the underground gasol in e storage be in g located under it and the Japanese had this plan.
Major Frank H. Lane , Commander Hickam Field Hospital
7 December 1 94 1
“ Down everybody, ….somebody said “ there went headquarters, we could hear the bombs fall in g of f in the distance. The bomb that fell just prior to the one hitt in g headquarters made a huge crater. A few weeks later they planted a tree. A little sprig in the crater, but the hole was there.
I went back 25 years later, and it would take 6 people to put their arms around that tree. It was a huge banyan tree, and that tree is there to this day.”
2Lt. Monica Conter, Army Nurse Corps
“ I then got in to my car, a new 1 94 1 Plymouth and drove down to the hangers to see what I could do. Our hanger was # 1 7 and was next to the Hawaiian Air Depot, it had been hit by bombs and was a mess. A plane that was parked in front of our hanger had taken a direct hit and was on fire”.
Wallace S. Mart in Jr.
Pilot with the 1 9th Transport Squadron
Liv in g at the corner of 5th and Beard at Hickam Field
“I ran to war d a burn in g Ford sedan near the “snake ranch” another name for the “ War College”. I had noticed it from the back of our truck on the way to the hospital. The upholstery had burned out and the pa in t was peel in g from the drivers’ side door. The burn in g smell of flesh should have told me I could not help the men in side. The passenger was bent over for war d. His clothes were burned of f and his sk in in a condition I shall not attempt to describe here. The driver will leave a picture in my m in e forever. The car had been strafed and set afire. The driver was sitt in g beh in d the steer in g wheel still clutch in g a Thompson mach in e gun. His face was burned horribly and burned black sk in outl in ed his facial bones. At my feet was a section of his skull and black hair. The wood stock of his gun was burned almost of f and was still burn in g. If a report had to be made it would simply be :“Two soldiers in a black Ford Sedan, one had black hair, both burned beyond recognition”.
William F. Rudder, Sr .
“Due to the condition of the barracks and because of the still persistent rumors of “ in vad in g Jap troops”, many of us were told to billet elsewhere. A group of us were quartered that night in the elementary school on the back of Hickam Field overlook in g the Pearl Harbor channel. At this po in t my m in d becomes hazy as to why we were sent there. Be in g a private, I was not privy to what the top enlisted ranks had been in structed to do. Perhaps it was to act as observers for enemy activity which would have come in that direction because it faced the direction of Barbers Po in t, the rumored land in g area.
"A few hours after darkness had set in and, of course, blackout conditions prevailed, one could easily see the tracers from random mach in e gun fire which was occurr in g by trigger-happy gunners. Then, suddenly, the land in g lights of aircraft fly in g in from sea lit up the dark sky. Immediately there was a barrage of fir in g mak in g tracers clearly evident as they sped to war d the planes. Somehow I knew that the planes were friendly; why I did so, I can’t expla in , except that I felt all along that someone had been able to take of f from one of our airfields after the sneak attack ended. The direction of the in tended land in g was to war d Pearl Harbor and this made me realize that they must be Navy planes. There was much excitable shout in g from all around by those of us who somehow knew that these were friendly aircraft, but there was no hope of stopp in g the emotionally charged trigger-happy gunners who could have been fir in g from all po in ts of the island. Suddenly, there was one terrific explosion after another, until all three aircraft fell in balls of flames which lit up the dark night. I assumed that the planes were Navy PBY’s but I never got the opportunity to verify this; however, we did learn that they were, in fact, U.S. Navy planes.
"The aforementioned rumored enemy troop land in g never did take place, I’m happy to say, thus prov in g it was just that – rumor!
Russell J. Tener
“When the fir in g subsided, we surfaced and spent the rest of the night outside the build in g listen in g to in termittent gun fire; everyone seemed to be trigger-happy. Reports were com in g over the teletype and radios that the Japanese were land in g all over Oahu and that paratroopers were dropped at Hickam. The idea of paratroopers com in g kept us all in a state of anxiety for the rest of the night. We later found out that the planes were Navy planes from the Enterprise and that some were shot down.
"As I look back to the events of that day. I know that I didn’t perform any heroics; however, every one of the 324th Signal Company performed the duties for which they were tra in ed without question, and I am proud to have been a part of that organization. As a member of the Pearl Harbor Survivors Association, I am of ten asked what ship I was on. When I reply that I wasn’t on a ship but was stationed at Hickam Field, I am usually asked, where is Hickam Field?”
"The Japanese certa in ly knew”.
Thomas J. Pillion
Private
324th Signal Company
Hickam Field
“After the attack, we went to the Squadron Headquarters where we were told to dig trenches near our quarters, black out our quarters with blankets, give a password and told to shoot if necessary. Shoot in g seemed to go on all night.
"I was called to Headquarters dur in g the night, perhaps because I had at one time held a commission in the In fantry Reserve. Rumors were fly in g. They had reports of paratroops be in g dropped, for which I was queried? I advised “impossible” a plane carry in g paratroops could not take of f from a carrier”.
Wallace S. Mart in Jr.
Pilot with the 1 9th Transport Squadron
Liv in g at the corner of 5th and Beard at Hickam Field
“The base was really a lot of confusion. Japanese planes were s war m in g everywhere. There was so much noise. The noise was terrible. I wouldn’t want to ever experience that aga in .
"When we got in to the mounta in s we saw lots of other families from the base up there. In the home where we stayed there were 25 people.
"There in the mounta in s we could hear the bombing very clearly. At night we could see the fires from build in gs, planes and ships on fire.
"We weren’t too far, about 1 0 miles from the base. There was a radio up there and we kept the radio on to hear news about the base and in structions as to what to do. All of us had a big pot of stew for supper, they made room for everybody.
"The very next day after gett in g in to the mounta in s, some had gone back to their homes on base to get diapers and cloth in g for their children. I wanted to do the same. So we returned. When we got to the front gate of the base, I told them that I wanted to get some th in gs from the house for the children. We lived two miles from the gate. We were told that we could have only 1 5 m in utes before we had to be back of f the base. When I got back to our house, my husband was in the bathroom shav in g. He had gotten better, so had returned to the base. He helped me gather some th in gs for the children, clothes, toys etc. and I picked up some mementos and returned to the mounta in s.”
Jessie Reed Seyle
Wife of Lt. Stanley Jenn in gs Reed
“ Some days later Lt. Turner and I visited the morgue to try and identify the squadron dead. The dead were in pla in wooden boxes, naked; many with no obvious wounds. This would support the belief that some were killed by concussion. I kept th in k in g that most appeared much younger than thirty-two years. As I walked among the dead, the thought occurred to me, that perhaps in view of the expected in vasion, they were better of f than those of us who survived the in itial attack.”
Carlos F. McCuiston
1 9th Transport Squadron
1 st Sgt.
T otal War -Both World Wars engulfed the civilian populations of the opposing sides. Civilians supported the wars through factory production and agriculture. Civilians were targeted by all sides as the wars progressed, and civilian opinion was critical to the continued war efforts.
Critical Points-||
· As men were mobilized for war, women’s roles on the home front expanded greatly(evaluate how production in both conflicts depended on women’s labor and support)
· Using blockades and the denying supplies of food as weapons was practiced by all sides. (examine the blockades or WWI with the mass starvation of WWII in Leningrad)
· Maintaining the war effort through propaganda was common and very important for morale.( compare the types of propaganda in both world conflicts) This section of the site comprises the wartime diaries of Thomas Fredrick Littler.
The introduction below was penned by Fred's descendent, Chris Littler.
Introduction by Chris Littler
Fred Littler joined the Cheshire Regiment shortly after his 17th birthday in 1914. He trained in Aberystwyth, Cambridge, Northampton and Norwich, before beginning work at Siddley Deasy in Coventry.He signed for Foreign Service on his 18th birthday, and, after further training, left England for Rouen in March 1916. His diary describes his experience of battle in Northern France for 11 months from April 1916, where he sustained a leg injury, which eventually led to his return to England to convalesce.
In England he met his future wife and joined the Royal Engineers with whom he returned to France in April 1918 until the end of the war. He reports many casualties around him on the front line and in support positions, and himself survived [[../atoz/influenza.htm|Spanish Flu]], a major killer, towards the end of the war.
G enocide - World Wars also allowed countries to propose and act upon solutions for portions of their populations that they could characterize as undesirable. From forced internal exile or relocations, mass executions and even extermination camps the First and Second World Wars changed how unwanted populations were treated.
**Critical Points- ||
· Racial and religious prejudice reached new heights in this period. Genocide became a “final solution” for several regimes during the Second World War. (Examine how the Armenians in Turkey were treated during WW I versus how the Jews were treated in WWII)
· Internal opposition was not tolerated during the First and Second World Wars. (How did America treat people of German descent during WWI and Japanese during WWII)
The Diary of a Young Girl
by Anne Frank
One of the most famous accounts of the Holocaust is told by a teenage Jewish girl who from1942 to 1944, with her family, hid from the Gestapo in a tiny attic in Amsterdam. Young Anne wrote regularly in her diary and, despite impending doom, continued to believe in human goodness and to express hope that one day she might live in a world without hate. On August 4, 1944, her family and friends were captured and sent to Auschwitz. Anne died in the Bergen-Belsen concentration camp, probably of typhus, several weeks prior to the camp's liberation. The book is recommended for junior high school and high school students.
Saturday, July 15, 1944
It's difficult in times like these: ideals, dreams and cherished hopes rise within us, only to be crushed by grim reality. It's a wonder I haven't abandoned all my ideals, they seem so absurd and impractical. Yet I cling to them because I still believe, in spite of everything, that people are truly good at heart. It's utterly impossible for me to build my life on a foundation of chaos, suffering and death. I see the world being slowly transformed into a wilderness, I hear the approaching thunder that, one day, will destroy us too, I feel the suffering of millions. And yet, when I look up at the sky, I somehow feel that everything will change for the better, that this cruelty too shall end, that peace and tranquility will return once more. In the meantime, I must hold on to my ideals. Perhaps the day will come when I'll be able to realize them!
A uthoritarianism - As the 20th century dawned much of the population of Europe lived under the rule of kings and monarchies. The World conflicts that characterized the first half of the century shattered these regimes and brought new powerful individuals to power. These dictators allowed little or no opposition and created powerful parties or systems to keep themselves in place.
Critical Points-
- Old monarchies and territories will fall apart in the face of rising nationalism and the forces of war Democratic ideals will be pushed aside as militarism becomes more widespread (Compare the governments and nations at the beginning of each war)
- New forceful leaders will take power and implement their totalitarian ideas of government.(look at the rise of Hitler, Mussolini, or Tojo)
MUNICHSPEECH OF APRIL 12, 1922
AFTER the War production had begun again and it was thought that better times were coming, Frederick the Great after the Seven Years War had, as the result of superhuman efforts, left Prussia without a penny of debt: at the end of the World War Germany was burdened with her own debt of some 7 or 8 milliards of marks and beyond that was faced with the debts of 'the rest of the world' - the so-called 'reparations.' The product of Germany's work thus belonged not to the nation, but to her foreign creditors: 'it was carried endlessly in trains for territorities beyond our frontiers.' Every worker had to support another worker, the product of whose labor was commandeered by the foreigner. 'The German people after twenty-five or thirty years, in consequence of the fact that it will never be able to pay all that is demanded of it, will have so gigantic a sum still owing that practically it will be forced to produce more than it does today.' What will the end be? and the answer to that question is 'Pledging of our land, enslavement of our labor-strength. Therefore, in the economic sphere, November 1918 was in truth no achievement, but it was the beginning of our collapse.' And in the political sphere we lost first our military prerogatives, and with that loss went the real sovereignty of our State, and then our financial independence, for there remained always the Reparations Commission so that 'practically we have no longer a politically independent German Reich, we are already a colony of the outside world. We have contributed to this because so far as possible we humiliated ourselves morally, we positively destroyed our own honor and helped to befoul, to besmirch, and to deny everything which we previously held as sacred.' If it be objected that the Revolution has won for us gains in social life: they must be extraordinarily secret, these social gains - so secret that one never sees them in practical life - they must just run like a fluid through our German atmosphere. Some one may say 'Well, there is the eight-hour day!' And was a collapse necessary to gain that? And will the eight-hour day be rendered any more secure through our becoming practically the bailiff and the drudge of the other peoples? One of these days France will say: You cannot meet your obligations, you must work more. So this achievement of the Revolution is put in question first of all by the Revolution.
Then some one has said: 'Since the Revolution the people has gained Rights. The people governs!' Strange! The people has now been ruling three years and no one has in practice once asked its opinion. Treaties were signed which will hold us down for centuries: and who has signed the treaties? The people? No! Governments which one fine day presented themselves as Governments. And at their election the people had nothing to do save to consider the question: there they are already, whether I elect them or not. If we elect them, then they are there through our election. But since we are a self-governing people, we must elect the folk in order that they may be elected to govern us.
Then it was said, 'Freedom has come to us through the Revolution.' Another of those things that one cannot see very easily! It is of course true that one can walk down the street, the individual can go into his workshop and he can go out again: here and there he can go to a meeting. In a word, the individual has liberties. But in general, if he is wise, he will keep his mouth shut. For if in former times extraordinary care was taken that no one should let slip anything which could be treated as lèse-majesté, now a man must take much greater care that he doesn't say anything which might represent an insult to the majesty of a member of Parliament.
And if we ask who was responsible for our misfortune, then we must inquire who profited by our collapse. And the answer to that question is that 'Banks and Stock Exchanges are more flourishing than ever before.' We were told that capitalism would be destroyed, and when we ventured to remind one or other of these famous statesmen and said 'Don't forget hat Jews too have capital,' then the answer was: 'What are you worrying about? Capitalism as a whole will now be destroyed, the whole people will now be free. We are not fighting Jewish or Christian capitalism, we are fighting very capitalism: we are making the people completely free.'
Christian capitalism' is already as good as destroyed, the international Jewish Stock Exchange capital gains in proportion as the other loses ground. It is only the international Stock Exchange and loan-capital, the so-called 'supra-state capital,' which has profited from the collapse of our economic life, the capital which receives its character from the single supra-state nation which is itself national to the core, which fancies itself to be above all other nations, which places itself above other nations and which already rules over them.
The international Stock Exchange capital would be unthinkable, it would never have come, without its founders the supra-national, because intensely national, Jews....
The Jew has not grown poorer: he gradually gets bloated, and, if you don't believe me, I would ask you to go to one of our health-resorts; there you will find two sorts of visitors: the German who goes there, perhaps for the first time for a long while, to breathe a little fresh air and to recover his health, and the Jew who goes there to lose his fat. And if you go out to our mountains, whom do you find there in fine brand-new yellow boots with splendid rucksacks in which there is generally nothing that would really be of any use? And why are they there? They go up to the hotel, usually no further than the train can take them: where the train stops, they stop too. And then they sit about somewhere within a mile from the hotel, like blow-flies round a corpse.
These are not, you may be sure, our working classes: neither those working with the mind, nor with the body. With their worn clothes they leave the hotel on one side and go on climbing: they would not feel comfortable coming into this perfumed atmosphere in suits which date from 1913 or 1914. No, assuredly the Jew has suffered no privations! . . .
While now in Soviet Russia the millions are ruined and are dying, Chicherin - and with him a staff of over 200 Soviet Jews - travels by express train through Europe, visits the cabarets, watches naked dancers perform for his pleasure, lives in the finest hotels, and does himself better than the millions whom once you thought you must fight as 'bourgeois.' The 400 Soviet Commissars of Jewish nationality - they do not suffer; the thousands upon thousands of sub-Commissars -they do not suffer. No! all the treasures which the 'proletarian' in his madness took from the 'bourgeoise' in order to fight so-called capitalism - they have all gone into their hands. Once the worker appropriated the purse of the landed proprietor who gave him work, he took the rings, the diamonds and rejoiced that he had now got the treasures which before only the 'bourgeoisie' possessed. But in his hands they are dead things - they are veritable death-gold. They are no profit to him. He is banished into his wilderness and one cannot feed oneself on diamonds. For a morsel of bread he gives millions in objects of value. But the bread is in the hands of the State Central Organization and this is in the hands of the Jews: so everything, everything that the common man thought that he was winning for himself, flows back again to his seducers.
And now, my dear fellow-countrymen, do you believe that these men, who with us are going the same way, will end the Revolution? They do not wish the end of the Revolution, for they do not need it. For them the Revolution is milk and honey.
And further they cannot end the Revolution. For if one or another amongst the leaders were really not seducer but seduced, and today, driven by the inner voice of horror at his crime, were to step before the masses and make his declaration: 'We have all deceived ourselves: we believed that we could lead you out of misery, but we have in fact led you into a misery which your children and your children's children must still bear' - he cannot say that, he dare not say that, he would on the public square or in the public meeting be torn in pieces.
But amongst the masses there begins to flow a new stream - a stream of opposition. It is the recognition of the facts which is already in pursuit of this system, it already is hunting the system down; it will one day scourge the masses into action and carry the masses along with it. And these leaders, they see that behind them the anti-Semitic wave grows and grows; and when the masses once recognize the facts, that is the end of these leaders.
And thus the Left is forced more and more to turn to Bolshevism. In Bolshevism they see today the sole, the last possibility of preserving the present state of affairs. They realize quite accurately that the people is beaten so long as Brain and Hand can be kept apart. For alone neither Brain nor Hand can really oppose them. So long therefore as the Socialist idea is coined only by men who see in it a means for disintegrating a nation, so long can they rest in peace.
But it will be a sorry day for them when this Socialist idea is grasped by a Movement which unites it with the highest Nationalist pride, with Nationalist defiance, and thus places the Nation's Brain, its intellectual workers, on this ground. Then this system will break up, and there would remain only one single means of salvation for its supporters: viz. to bring the catastrophe upon us before their own ruin, to destroy the Nation's Brain, to bring it to the scaffold - to introduce Bolshevism.
So the Left neither can nor will help. On the contrary, their first lie compels them constantly to resort to new lies. There remains then the Right. And this party of the Right meant well, but it cannot do what it would because up to the present time it has failed to recognize a whole series of elementary principles.
In the first place the Right still fails to recognize the danger. These gentlemen still persist in believing that it is a question of being elected to a Landtag or of posts as ministers or secretaries. They think that the decision of a people's destiny would mean at worst nothing more than some damage to their so-called bourgeois-economic existence. They have never grasped the fact that this decision threatens their heads. They have never yet understood that it is not necessary to be an enemy of the Jew for him to drag you one day, on the Russian model, to the scaffold. They do not see that it is quite enough to have a head on your shoulders and not to be a Jew: that will secure the scaffold for you.
In consequence their whole action today is so petty, so limited, so hesitating and pusillanimous. They would like to - but they can never decide on any great deed, because they fail to realize the greatness of the whole period.
And then there is another fundamental error: they have never got it clear in their own minds that there is a difference or how great a difference there is between the conception 'National' and the word 'dynastic' or 'monarchistic.' They do not understand that today it is more than ever necessary in our thoughts as Nationalists to avoid anything which might perhaps cause the individual to think that the National Idea was identical with petty everyday political views. They ought day by day to din into the ears of the masses: 'We want to bury all the petty differences and to bring out into the light the big things, the things we have in common which bind us to one another. That should weld and fuse together those who have still a German heart and a love for their people in the fight against the common hereditary foe of all Aryans. How afterward we divide up this State, friends - we have no wish to dispute over that! The form of a State results from the essential character of a people, results from necessities which are so elementary and powerful that in time every individual will realize them without any disputation when once all Germany is united and free.'
And finally they all fail to understand that we must on principle free ourselves from any class standpoint. It is of course very easy to call out to those on the Left, 'You must not be proletarians, leave your class-madness,' while you yourselves continue to call yourself 'bourgeois.' They should learn that in a single State there is only one supreme citizen - right, one supreme citizen - honor, and that is the right and the honor of honest work. They should further learn that the social idea must be the essential foundation for any State, otherwise no State can permanently endure.
Certainly a government needs power, it needs strength. It must, I might almost say, with brutal ruthlessness press through the ideas which it has recognized to be right, trusting to the actual authority of its strength in the State. But even with the most ruthless brutality it can ultimately prevail only if what it seeks to restore does truly correspond to the welfare of a whole people.
That the so-called enlightened absolutism of a Frederick the Great was possible depended solely on the fact that, though this man could undoubtedly have decided 'arbitrarily' the destiny - for good or ill - of his so-called 'subjects,' he did not do so, but made his decisions influenced and supported by one thought alone, the welfare of his Prussian people. It was this fact only that led the people to tolerate willingly, nay joyfully, the dictatorship of the great king.
AND THE RIGHT HAS FURTHER COMPLETELY FORGOTTEN THAT DEMOCRACY IS FUNDAMENTALLY NOT GERMAN: IT IS JEWISH. It has completely forgotten that this Jewish democracy with its majority decisions has always been without exception only a means towards the destruction of any existing Aryan leadership. The Right does not understand that directly every small question of profit or loss is regularly put before so-called 'public opinion,' he who knows how most skilfully to make this 'public opinion' serve his own interests becomes forthwith master in the State. And that can be achieved by the man who can lie most artfully, most infamously; and in the last resort he is not the German, he is, in Schopenhauer's words, 'the great master in the art of lying' - the Jew.
And finally it has been forgotten that the condition which must precede every act is the will and the courage to speak the truth - and that we do not see today either in the Right or in the Left.
There are only two possibilities in Germany; do not imagine that the people will forever go with the middle party, the party of compromises; one day it will turn to those who have most consistently foretold the coming ruin and have sought to dissociate themselves from it. And that party is either the Left: and then God help us! for it will lead us to complete destruction - to Bolshevism, or else it is a party of the Right which at the last, when the people is in utter despair, when it has lost all its spirit and has no longer any faith in anything, is determined for its part ruthlessly to seize the reins of power - that is the beginning of resistance of which I spoke a few minutes ago. Here, too, there can be no compromise - there are only two possibilities: either victory of the Aryan, or annihilation of the Aryan and the victory of the Jew.
It is from the recognition of this fact, from recognizing it, I would say, in utter, dead earnestness, that there resulted the formation of our Movement. There are two principles which, when we founded the Movement, we engraved upon our hearts: first, to base it on the most sober recognition of the facts, and second, to proclaim these facts with the most ruthless sincerity.
And this recognition of the facts discloses at once a whole series of the most important fundamental principles which must guide this young Movement which, we hope, is destined one day for greatness:
1. 'NATIONAL' AND 'SOCIAL' ARE TWO IDENTICAL CONCEPTIONS. It was only the Jew who succeeded, through falsifying the social idea and turning it into Marxism, not only in divorcing the social idea from the national, but in actually representing them as utterly contradictory. That aim he has in fact achieved. At the founding of this Movement we formed the decision that we would give expression to this idea of ours of the identity of the two conceptions: despite all warnings, on the basis of what we had come to believe, on the basis of the sincerity of our will, we christened it ''National Socialist.' We said to ourselves that to be 'national' means above everything to act with a boundless and all-embracing love for the people and, if necessary, even to die for it. And similarly to be 'social' means so to build up the state and the community of the people that every individual acts in the interest of the community of the people and must be to such an extent convinced of the goodness, of the honorable straightforwardness of this community of the people as to be ready to die for it.
2. And then we said to ourselves: THERE ARE NO SUCH THINGS AS CLASSES: THEY CANNOT BE. Class means caste and caste means race. If there are castes in India, well and good; there it is possible, for there there were formerly Aryans and dark aborigines. So it was in Egypt and in Rome. But with us in Germany where everyone who is a German at all has the same blood, has the same eyes, and speaks the same language, here there can be no class, here there can be only a single people and beyond that nothing else. Certainly we recognize, just as anyone must recognize, that there are different 'occupations' and 'professions' [Stände]-there is the Stand of the watchmakers, the Stand of the common laborers, the Stand of the painters or technicians, the Stand of the engineers, officials, etc. Stände there can be. But in the struggles which these Stände have amongst themselves for the equalization of their economic conditions, the conflict and the division must never be so great as to sunder the ties of race.
And if you say 'But there must after all be a difference between the honest creators and those who do nothing at all' - certainly there must! That is the difference which lies in the performance of the conscientious work of the individual. Work must be the great connecting link, but at the same time the great factor which separates one man from another. The drone is the foe of us all. But the creators - it matters not whether they are brain workers or workers with the hand - they are the nobility of our State, they are the German people!
We understand under the term 'work' exclusively that activity which not only profits the individual but in no way harms the community, nay rather which contributes to form the community.
3. And in the third place IT WAS CLEAR TO US THAT THIS PARTICULAR VIEW IS BASED ON AN IMPULSE WHICH SPRINGS FROM OUR RACE AND FROM OUR BLOOD. We said to ourselves that race differs from race and, further, that each race in accordance with its fundamental demands shows externally certain specific tendencies, and these tendencies can perhaps be most clearly traced in their relation to the conception of work. The Aryan regards work as the foundation for the maintenance of the community of people amongst it members. The Jew regards work as the means to the exploitation of other peoples. The Jew never works as a productive creator without the great aim of becoming the master. He works unproductively using and enjoying other people's work. And thus we understand the iron sentence which Mommsen once uttered: 'The Jew is the ferment of decomposition in peoples,' that means that the Jew destroys and must destroy because he completely lacks the conception of an activity which builds up the life of the community. And therefore it is beside the point whether the individual Jew is 'decent' or not. In himself he carries those characteristics which Nature has given him, and he cannot ever rid himself of those characteristics. And to us he is harmful. Whether he harms us consciously or unconsciously, that is not our affair. We have consciously to concern ourselves for the welfare of our own people.
4. And fourthly WE WERE FURTHER PERSUADED THAT ECONOMIC PROSPERITY IS INSEPARABLE FROM POLITICAL FREEDOM AND THAT THEREFORE THAT HOUSE OF LIES, 'INTERNATIONALISM,' MUST IMMEDIATELY COLLAPSE. We recognized that freedom can eternally be only a consequence of power and that the source of power is the will. Consequently the will to power must be strengthened in a people with passionate ardor. And thus we realized fifthly that
5. WE AS NATIONAL SOCIALISTS and members of the German Workers party - a Party pledged to work - MUST BE ON PRINCIPLE THE MOST FANATICAL NATIONALISTS. We realized that the State can be for our people a paradise only if the people can hold sway therein freely as in a paradise: we realized that a slave state will never be a paradise, but only - always and for all time - a hell or a colony.
6. And then sixthly we grasped the fact that POWER IN THE LAST RESORT IS POSSIBLE ONLY WHERE THERE IS STRENGTH, and that strength lies not in the dead weight of numbers but solely in energy. Even the smallest minority can achieve a mighty result if it is inspired by the most fiery, the most pas sionate will to act. World history has always been made by minorities. And lastly
7. If one has realized a truth, that truth is valueless so long as there is lacking the indomitable will to turn this realization into action!
These were the foundations of our Movement - the truths on which it was based and which demonstrated its necessity.
For three years we have sought to realize these fundamental ideas. And of course a fight is and remains a fight. Stroking in very truth will not carry one far. Today the German people has been beaten by a quite other world, while in its domestic life it has lost all spirit; no longer has it any faith. But how will you give this people once more firm ground beneath its feet save by the passionate insistence on one definite, great, clear goal?
Thus we were the first to declare that this peace treaty was a crime. Then folk abused us as 'agitators.' We were the first to protest against the failure to present this treaty to the people before it was signed. Again we were called 'agitators.' We were the first to summon men to resistance against being reduced to a continuing state of defenselessness. Once more we were 'agitators.' At that time we called on the masses of the people not to surrender their arms, for the surrender of one's arms would be nothing less than the beginning of enslavement. We were called, no, we were cried down as, 'agitators.' We were the first to say that this meant the loss of Upper Silesia. So it was, and still they called us 'agitators.' We declared at that time that compliance in the question of Upper Silesia MUST have as its consequence the awakening of a passionate greed which would demand the occupation of the Ruhr. We were cried down ceaselessly, again and again. And because we opposed the mad financial policy which today will lead to our collapse, what was it that we were called repeatedly once more? 'Agitators,' And today?
And finally we were also the first to point the people on any large scale to a danger which insinuated itself into our midst - a danger which millions failed to realize and which will nonetheless lead us all into ruin - the Jewish danger. And today people are saying yet again that we were 'agitators.' I would like here to appeal to a greater than I, Count Lerchenfeld. He said in the last session of the Landtag that his feeling 'as a man and a Christian' prevented him from being an anti-Semite. I SAY: MY FEELING AS A CHRISTIAN POINTS ME TO MY LORD AND SAVIOUR AS A FIGHTER. IT POINTS ME TO THE MAN WHO ONCE IN LONELINESS, SURROUNDED ONLY BY A FEW FOLLOWERS, RECOGNIZED THESE JEWS FOR WHAT THEY WERE AND SUMMONED MEN TO THE FIGHT AGAINST THEM AND WHO, GOD'S TRUTH! WAS GREATEST NOT AS SUFFERER BUT AS FIGHTER. In boundless love as a Christian and as a man I read through the passage which tells us how the Lord at last rose in His might and seized the scourge to drive out of the Temple the brood of vipers and of adders. How terrific was His fight for the world against the Jewish poison. Today, after two thousand years, with deepest emotion I recognize more profoundly than ever before - the fact that it was for this that He had to shed His blood upon the Cross. As a Christian I have no duty to allow myself to be cheated, but I have the duty to be a fighter for truth and justice. And as a man I have the duty to see to it that human society does not suffer the same catastrophic collapse as did the civilization of the ancient world some two thousand years ago - a civilization which was driven to its ruin through this same Jewish people.
Then indeed when Rome collapsed there were endless streams of new German bands flowing into the Empire from the North; but, if Germany collapses today, who is there to come after us? German blood upon this earth is on the way to gradual exhaustion unless we pull ourselves together and make ourselves free!
And if there is anything which could demonstrate that we are acting rightly, it is the distress which daily grows. For as a Christian I have also a duty to my own people. And when I look on my people I see it work and work and toil and labor, and at the end of the week it has only for its wage wretchedness and misery. When I go out in the morning and see these men standing in their queues and look into their pinched faces, then I believe I would be no Christian, but a very devil, if I felt no pity for them, if I did not, as did our Lord two thousand years ago, turn against those by whom today this poor people is plundered and exploited.
And through the distress there is no doubt that the people has been aroused. Externally perhaps apathetic, but within there is ferment. And many may say, 'It is an accursed crime to stir up passions in the people.' And then I say to myself: Passion is already stirred through the rising tide of distress, and one day this passion will break out in one way or another: AND NOW I WOULD ASK THOSE WHO TODAY CALL US 'AGITATORS': 'WHAT THEN HAVE YOU TO GIVE TO THE PEOPLE AS A FAITH TO WHICH IT MIGHT CLING?'
Nothing at all, for you yourselves have no faith in your own prescriptions.
That is the mightiest thing which our Movement must create: for these widespread, seeking and straying masses a new Faith which will not fail them in this hour of confusion, to which they can pledge themselves, on which they can build so that they may at least find once again a place which may bring calm to their hearts.
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World War I
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http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/worldwars/wwtwo/
http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/2WW.htm
http://www.ww2db.com/index.php
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